CUBA
NEWS The
Miami Herald
Repatriated Cubans apply to leave country
legally
Cuban migrants sent back
to their homeland after reaching a section
of an old bridge in the Keys are now applying
to leave Cuba legally.
By Andrea Rodriguez, Associated
Press. Posted on Tue, Mar. 07, 2006
HAVANA - Cuban migrants who reached an
abandoned bridge in the Florida Keys only
to be sent home began a new effort to reach
the United States: filling out paperwork
Monday at the American mission in Havana.
Under U.S. migration policies, Cubans who
reach U.S. soil are generally allowed to
stay, while those stopped at sea usually
are sent back. The migrants reached an old
bridge that the U.S. government said didn't
count as dry land because chunks are missing
and it no longer connects to U.S. soil.
U.S. District Judge Federico Moreno in
Miami last week ordered U.S. federal officials
to ''use their best efforts'' to help the
Cubans return to the United States. Moreno
wrote that "those Cuban refugees who
reached American soil in early January 2006
were removed to Cuba illegally.''
But there was no guarantee that the Cuban
government would let them go back. Cuba
requires its citizens to get special government
permission to leave.
''We stepped on American soil, we shouldn't
be here,'' Ernesto Hernández told
reporters after meeting with consular officials
at the U.S. Interests Section in Havana
and starting the paperwork that the migrants
hope will let them go to the United States
for good.
The group includes two children, ages 2
and 13, who were traveling by sea with their
parents.
The American government's so-called ''wet-foot,
dry-foot'' policy springs from a 1966 law
that allows Cubans who reach the United
States to apply for legal residency one
year after arriving.
The Cuban government calls it a ''murderous
law'' that encourages its citizens to undertake
dangerous and illegal journeys with the
hope of reaching U.S. soil and obtaining
legal residency.
During the hearing before Judge Moreno
in Miami, Assistant U.S. Attorney Dexter
Lee argued that the Coast Guard's decision
to send the migrants home was reasonable.
The U.S. government could still appeal the
judge's ruling.
Cuban doctors bring relief, but controversy
mars work
Cuban doctors offer needed
help to such poor countries as Guatemala,
but their presence is a source of controversy
at home and in the Americas.
By Jill Replogle, Special
to The Miami Herald. Posted on Sun, Mar.
05, 2006
USPANTAN, Guatemala - At the hospital in
this central Guatemala mountain town, Cuban
doctors outnumber their local colleagues
two to one. And all the five specialists
are Cubans, including the surgeon and anesthesiologist.
Eight other Cuban doctors live and work
in remote health posts in the region, sometimes
trudging up to six hours on foot to vaccinate
children and attend to emergencies.
''It's a beautiful, unique experience,''
said María Josefa Herrera, a Cuban
general practitioner who works in Uspantán.
"Often the patients have never been
treated by a medical professional.''
Herrera is one of the thousands of Cuban
medical personnel sent abroad by Cuban leader
Fidel Castro in a campaign to alleviate
health crises, support his political allies
and earn badly needed hard currency -- a
campaign that also has angered some Cubans
on the communist-ruled island.
Recent media reports from Havana have noted
that Cubans are increasingly resenting the
absence of physicians once provided free
of charge by a totally government-run system
whose strength was in a massive network
of neighborhood doctors, and not in its
hospitals or technology.
One recent U.N. mission to Cuba found a
clinic in the eastern city of Santiago where
60 of the 140 staff doctors were abroad,
according to the Interamerican Dialogue,
a think tank in Washington. And it's not
just a problem for Cubans.
LAWSUIT, COMPLAINTS
In Venezuela, the doctors' association
sued the President Hugo Chávez's
government for using doctors unlicensed
to practice in that country. The program
continued despite a court ruling backing
the association. And in Honduras, the Professional
Association of Honduran Doctors has complained
over the presence of Cuban healthcare workers
there at a time when 1,500 recent Honduran
medical graduates are out of work.
Cuba touts its medical missions as a show
of solidarity with the world's needy that
it can well afford, with one of the highest
doctor-patient ratios in the world -- one
doctor for every 165 residents, according
to the World Health Organization.
But there are more palpable benefits for
the island. Cuban medical personnel sent
abroad earn hard currency for their perennially
cash-strapped government, and the estimated
20,000-22,000 deployed in Venezuela are
being paid in part with cheap oil.
In Guatemala, the Cuban medical deployment
also has its ups and downs.
For its part, the Guatemalan government
has gained 285 physicians and 128 other
medical personnel at very low costs, with
government public health officials saying
the Cubans earn about $400 per month --
less than half a typical Guatemalan public
sector doctor's salary. Last October, Cuba
sent 600 extra medical personnel to Guatemala
after Hurricane Stan, but they have since
returned home.
Yet that $400 is also about 16 times the
average salary of a doctor in Cuba, so the
Cubans here have been using their comparatively
huge salaries to buy refrigerators, stereos
and other items that they couldn't afford
in Cuba. They take the goods home when they
finish their work here.
SALARY DISTRIBUTION
Guatemalan officials say the full $400
goes to the Cubans here, who have to pay
for their own housing, food and local transportation.
No part goes to the Havana government, they
said, although in many other countries the
host government pays the Cuban government,
which then passes part of the money to the
medical personnel. It's not clear why the
Guatemalan arrangement is different.
And for that kind of money, the Cubans
are willing to toil under harsh conditions
in remote areas where local doctors are
not available or don't want to work. Almost
three-quarters of Guatemala's 12,000 registered
doctors work in the capital and surrounding
suburbs, and about one-third of the country's
municipalities don't have a single resident
doctor, according to the Guatemalan Association
of Physicians and Surgeons.
"It's difficult finding Guatemalan
doctors to work in the most isolated areas,"
said Alvar Pérez, director of Guatemala's
rural health extension program.
Some experts worry, however, that the public
health system has become too dependent on
the Cuban medical personnel.
''The Cubans came to fill a medical need,''
said Juan Carlos Verdugo of the National
Health Platform, a nongovernment organization
that focuses on public health issues. "But
this can't be a permanent solution . . .
they could leave any day.''
To gradually replace the island's doctors,
the Cuban government has been offering free
medical school to low-income students from
Guatemala and other countries. More than
12,000 students from 83 countries are studying
at the Latin American Medical School in
Havana and Castro has predicted that it
will graduate 100,000 in the next 10 years.
The school's first graduation last August
included 187 Guatemalans.
In exchange for free tuition, those students
promised to work for the Guatemalan public
health service for up to 6 ½ years
after graduation. The government also requires
foreign-educated doctors to work for one
year for free in rural health posts and
hospitals.
But many of the new graduates have said
they're not willing to work for a Cuban's
salary.
''No one's going to work in the mountains
for a salary of $400,'' said Carlos Flores,
one of the new doctors.
Dissident ready to be 'martyr for freedom
of information'
A dissident journalist
in Cuba has been on a hunger strike for
more than a month, demanding access to the
Internet.
By Frances Robles. frobles@MiamiHerald.com.
Posted on Sat, Mar. 04, 2006
Psychologist turned dissident Guillermo
Fariñas says there are but two weapons
he can wield against injustice in Cuba:
food and water.
He's had neither since Jan. 31, and the
independent journalist is vowing to continue
his hunger strike until the Cuban government
returns his e-mail -- his portal to the
outside world.
''If I have to be a martyr for freedom
of information, I will,'' he told The Miami
Herald in a telephone interview from Santa
Clara last month.
Fariñas, 43, is one of Cuba's independent
journalists, most of them government opponents
who gather information about human rights
abuses and other news that never appear
in government-run papers. Lacking such tools
as computers or tape recorders, they usually
phone in their stories to exile organizations
in Miami.
Fariñas, director of a news agency
in the central city of Santa Clara called
Cubanacán Press, sent his dispatches
by e-mail from a local Internet café.
A day after he was prominently quoted in
a front-page Miami Herald article Jan. 23
about a wave of attacks against dissidents,
Fariñas found all the e-mail addresses
he normally sent articles to had been blocked.
So he sent an open letter to Cuban leader
Fidel Castro, vowing to die unless he got
his e-mail back.
FED WITH AN IV
A week later, he refused all liquids and
solids. Fariñas -- known as ''el
Coco'' to his friends -- collapsed nine
days later and was transferred to a hospital.
He is being fed with an IV drip in the intensive
care unit at Arnoldo Milián Castro
Hospital, his mother, Alicia Hernández,
said.
''His head hurts, and his legs are bothering
him. Sometimes, his blood pressure drops,
but other times he's stable,'' Hernández
said by phone from Santa Clara. "Everyone,
not just me, but the people who call him
from outside Cuba, plus the doctors and
nurses, have tried to get him to stop, but
he will not give in. He is determined.''
She said he's lost more than 60 pounds.
This is not the first time Hernández
has seen her son emaciated. He told The
Miami Herald that this is his 20th hunger
strike in 10 years.
He fasted when Cuban authorities jailed
him in late 2002 after he protested what
he considered rigged local elections. Photos
of his release in November 2003 show him
shrunken in a wheelchair. He could no longer
walk. Cubanet, an independent news website,
wrote that he lasted 400 days being fed
by IV.
'VERY FIRM'
''He has a very sweet character, but at
the same time he's very firm,'' said Manuel
Vázquez Portal, a former independent
journalist who now lives in Miami. "He
deeply loves justice, and when he thinks
something is unjust, he fights against it
with all his strength.''
And for Fariñas, Vázquez
said, the injustice is the lack of Web access
in a nation where the government controls
the Internet and cafés charge a month's
wages for an hour online.
''I am against hunger strikes and don't
recommend them,'' said Vázquez, a
veteran of four such protests.
"It's something you do when you are
desperate. Coco is desperate.''
Proposal for council irks Cuba, U.S.
The United States and
Cuba are fighting over reforming the discredited
U.N. Human Rights Commission.
By Pablo Bachelet, pbachelet@MiamiHerald.com.
Posted on Fri, Mar. 03, 2006
WASHINGTON - After months of wrangling,
a U.N. diplomatic battle that pits Cuba
against Washington over an overhaul of a
controversial human-rights panel may be
approaching an end.
General Assembly President Jan Eliasson
of Sweden last week produced a draft proposing
a 47-member Human Rights Council to replace
the U.N. Human Rights Commission, widely
discredited because rights abusers like
Cuba, Libya and Zimbabwe have gotten themselves
elected to the commission to try to block
its condemnations.
Year after year, U.S. and Cuban officials
at the commission have clashed at their
annual meeting in Geneva as Washington pushed
through resolutions condemning Havana's
human-rights abuses.
Most major human-rights organizations,
the European Union and U.N. Secretary General
Kofi Annan are backing Eliasson's draft
as an acceptable attempt that would make
it harder for rights abusers to get voted
into the council.
But U.S. Ambassador John Bolton has said
the proposed changes are too weak and wants
major modifications, even if this means
months of delays. Cuban-American lawmakers
also criticized the Eliasson draft, and
Miami Republican Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen
on Thursday called it "a reshuffling
of the deck chairs on the Titanic.''
ANNAN'S VIEW
Annan on Thursday urged Washington to reconsider
its position. ''The bad must always give
in to the good, but the better must not
be the enemy of the good,'' he told reporters.
Cuba also opposes the Eliasson draft as
a U.S. imperialist ploy to subjugate poor
nations. ''We're witnessing another blow
to multilateralism,'' it said Tuesday.
Eliasson has said he wants the matter settled
quickly, preferably before March 13, when
the annual Geneva meeting of the current
53-member Human Rights Commission is scheduled
to begin.
''We're not willing to settle for something
just to meet that deadline,'' retorted Ben
Chang, a spokesman for the U.S. mission
at the United Nations.
EXPECTED TO PASS
Most observers expect the resolution to
pass easily, although a U.S. ''no'' vote
makes many uneasy.
Britain's U.N. Ambassador Emyr Jones cautioned
that creating the new council without U.S.
backing "isn't good for human rights,
and not particularly good for the council.''
But rights groups argue that opening the
Eliasson draft to a line-by-line negotiation
risks making it worse, not better.
U.S. officials ''believe they can come
up with a better compromise position,''
said Eric Olson, the director for government
relations at Amnesty International. "Our
estimation is that that's not the case.''
STICKING POINT
The key sticking point is how members get
elected to the new council.
In the past, commission members were voted
from slates presented by regions, which
were then voted on as a block by the 54-member
ECOSOC, the UN's economic and social committee.
Cuba routinely was included in the Latin
American region's slate.
MAJOR VOICE
Under the new proposal, the regions would
propose individual nations, which would
then require majority approval at the General
Assembly -- 96 votes. The United States
also wants no more than 30 members.
Ros-Lehtinen has emerged as a major voice
supporting Bolton's position. On Thursday,
she teamed up with fellow Miami Republican
Lincoln Diaz-Balart in seeking signatures
for a letter criticizing the proposed reforms.
She said the new council has no criteria
for membership other than urging nations
to take into account the candidates' contribution
to the promotion and protection of human
rights.
''Essentially, it asks dictators and rogue
regimes to review their own human-rights
record and determine whether they would
be eligible,'' she said.
And the required approval by the General
Assembly is meaningless, she added. "This
is the same General Assembly that . . .
amidst the genocide in Darfur, could not
agree that Sudan was guilty of human-rights
violations.''
Cuban academics denied visas by U.S.
Posted on Fri, Mar. 03,
2006
HAVANA - (AP) -- Cuban academics hoping
to attend a gathering of Latin America experts
in Puerto Rico were denied visas by the
American government, marking the latest
in the current U.S. administration's trend
of shutting out Cubans.
Some 55 philosophers, economists, and historians
were told last week that they would be unable
to travel to this month's Latin American
Studies Association congress in San Juan.
Visa requests for four academics were still
pending, said Sheryl Lutjens, an American
political science professor at Northern
Arizona University.
''These people represent strong scholars
who think critically and who are often experts
in their area where there are no others,''
said Lutjens, who co-chairs the association's
Cuba section and is currently visiting the
country. "This is alarming.''
Academic exchange between Cuba and the
United States has diminished over the last
two years since the administration of President
Bush started tightening long-standing trade
and travel regulations against the island's
communist government.
The ''Cubans not welcome'' message has
reached new and broader extremes in recent
months. The U.S. government provoked outrage
after denying Cuba participation in this
month's World Baseball Classic -- a decision
that was later reversed.
U.S. officials also pressured a major U.S.-owned
hotel in Mexico City to kick out 16 Cuban
officials attending a meeting with U.S.
oil executives in February.
Fewer American scholars are traveling to
Cuba, too, wary of complicated U.S. rules
that can lead to hefty fines and punishment
if broken.
''They have been dissuaded by the new regulations,''
Lutjens said of other professors and researchers.
"People are, I think, confused and
perhaps even frightened by the thought that
they might be doing something that's not
permitted.''
Coast Guard waffled over 15 Cubans
A Coast Guard vessel
that rescued 15 Cuban migrants from an unused
Keys bridge in January started to bring
them ashore, but then was ordered to halt.
By Alfonso Chardy, achardy@MiamiHerald.com.
Posted on Thu, Mar. 02, 2006
Fifteen Cuban migrants picked up at an
abandoned bridge were being brought ashore
in the Florida Keys when -- in a span of
20 minutes -- the Coast Guard's legal experts
in Miami had second thoughts and ordered
the boat to halt, Coast Guard logs reveal.
The logs, released by the Coast Guard in
response to a Freedom of Information Act
request from The Miami Herald, mark the
first time the federal government publicly
acknowledges it waffled on what to do soon
after the migrants were found in the pre-dawn
darkness of Jan. 4, on a piling of the Old
Flagler Bridge near Marathon.
The entries from the Coast Guard station
in Marathon to sector headquarters in Key
West expose the unfolding drama -- and dilemma
-- of the most controversial Cuban migrant
rescue since the wet-foot, dry-foot policy
took effect more than a decade ago when
Cuba and the United States struck a migration
deal to end a rafter exodus.
The migrants were held offshore for five
days while officials in Miami and Washington
struggled to decide what to do.
It took 20 minutes, the logs reveal, for
the lives of the 15 migrants to take a fateful
turn -- one that eventually denied them
their wish to reunite with relatives and
that sent them back to a life they no longer
wanted and a country they thought they had
left for good.
One family lost a home in Cuba and another
migrant a good job. But family members in
South Florida are now hopeful that a Miami
federal judge's decision Tuesday will bring
their relatives back.
Repatriation of the 15 -- including a toddler
and a 13-year-old boy -- angered South Florida's
Cuban exile community and set the stage
for a possible change of the policy under
which Cubans intercepted at sea are generally
sent back and those who reach U.S. soil
are usually allowed to stay. Miami federal
Judge Federico Moreno ruled Tuesday that
the bridge, even if not connected to land,
is part of Florida and that the migrants
''were removed to Cuba illegally.'' He ordered
the Bush administration to take steps to
bring them back.
WHAT LOGS SAID
The log entries showing the Coast Guard
wavered on bringing the Cubans ashore did
not figure into the case, though Moreno's
court received the documents.
Although written in the stilted shorthand
of official radio talk, the entries convey
the drama that unfolded two days after the
Cubans -- 11 men, two women and the two
boys -- set out for South Florida on a makeshift
20-foot aluminum boat. The Coast Guard determined
the boat ''a hazard'' and sank it.
Two relatives in Miami, Mercedes Hernández
and Mariela Conesa, told The Miami Herald
on Wednesday that the 15 included families
as well as neighbors and friends -- all
from Matanzas, a city on Cuba's northern
coast east of Havana.
Hernández and Conesa said group
members organized the trip themselves and
were not part of a migrant smuggling operation.
The women spoke at the Miami office of their
immigration attorney, Wilfredo Allen.
Hernández, 42, said her niece, Elizabeth
Hernández, 23, the niece's husband,
Junior Blanco, 28, and their son Michael,
2 ½, could not return to their home
in Matanzas after they were repatriated
because Cuban government officials had seized
the house and sealed the door.
Conesa, 35, said her husband, Marino Hernández,
and their 13-year-old son, Osniel, are back
living in the same house they shared with
other relatives -- but Marino Hernández
lost his job maintaining restaurant and
hotel equipment.
''My son was crying last night when I told
him what the judge has ordered,'' said Conesa.
'He was so happy. He said, 'Mami, I will
soon be there to join you.' ''
The Cubans were expected to visit the U.S.
Interests Section in Havana early next week
to review the official steps required to
leave Cuba, said Miami lawyer Kendall Coffey,
a member of the legal team representing
the 15 Cuban migrants.
WHAT HAPPENED
The Coast Guard learned of the migrants
when it was notified by the Monroe County's
Sheriff's Office at 3:05 a.m. on Jan. 4.
Marathon station dispatched a 41-foot rescue
vessel, identified in the logs as CG41329.
Initially, the migrants refused rescue,
perhaps fearing their ultimate fate.
A second vessel, CG25577, was sent to assist
and eventually all the migrants were loaded
aboard the first boat.
A log entry for 3:40 a.m. notes that the
rescue boat was directed by sector headquarters
in Key West ''to bring migrants back to
station'' in Marathon. Had the boat been
allowed to dock at Marathon, the migrants
would have had it made -- automatically
qualifying as ''dry foot'' and allowed to
stay.
But a log entry 20 minutes later, at 4
a.m., shows a counterorder ''not to bring
migrants to station until . . . word'' was
received from the Coast Guard's Miami headquarters,
known as D-7 for district seven.
MORE INFORMATION
Lt. Cmdr. Chris O'Neil, a Coast Guard spokesman
in Miami, said initially ''legal staff''
at Miami district headquarters had been
told the migrants had landed on a bridge.
''So they assumed they were feet dry,''
O'Neil said. "But as more information
came in and it became clear the bridge was
not connected to land, the same legal staff
at district seven reversed the original
order and sought clarification at higher
levels.''
A key document before Judge Moreno's court
was a Jan. 4 memo from Lt. Cmdr. Donald
L. Brown, of the Coast Guard's legal office
in Miami, to Lt. Cmdr. Brad Keiserman, chief
of the Coast Guard's operations law group
in Washington. By 11:46 a.m., Brown was
seeking legal guidance from Washington --
seven hours after the rescue boat was ordered
to halt short of the Marathon coast and
directed to transfer the migrants to the
Coast Guard cutter Kodiak Island.
'NOT U.S. DRY LAND'
A Coast Guard spokesman in Washington,
Lt. Gene Maestas, said at the time the decision
was made by the Coast Guard's legal office
in conjunction with U.S. Immigration and
Customs Enforcement and possibly other federal
agencies.
A Jan. 7 memo from Keiserman answered Brown's
request whether the Cubans were feet wet
or dry.
''It is my opinion that, as a matter of
law, the man-made structure. . . upon which
fifteen undocumented Cuban migrants alighted
. . . is not U.S. dry land,'' Keiserman
wrote.
That determination sealed the migrants'
fate.
They were repatriated two days later, on
Jan. 9 -- five days after they landed on
the bridge and were almost brought ashore
to "dry land.''
Miami Herald staff writer Jay Weaver
contributed to this report.
Virgin Rose (Una rosa de Francia) |
Teen love story in Cuba tense, then becomes
a farce
By Fabiola Santiago. fsantiago@MiamiHerald.com.
Posted on Tue, Mar. 07, 2006
The Spanish-Cuban production Virgin Rose
(Una rosa de Francia) has an identity problem:
It doesn't know whether to be a moving feature
film or an awkward political pamphlet, and
so it ends up trying to be both.
The movie is set in the 1950s and follows
a people-smuggling ruse run by a Havana
hustler named Simón, played by Jorge
Perugorría in a performance that
is a far cry from his career-making role
in Strawberry and Chocolate.
But there's a well-developed love story,
beautiful photography of Cuba and its heart-stirring
sea, and two Spanish actors to watch who
play the likable young lovers Marie (Ana
de Armas) and Andrés (Alex González).
Marie is an adolescent peasant girl brought
to Havana by Simón to be sold to
a judge who has promised a high bid for
her virginity. Andrés is an ambitious
and loyal deck hand who saves Simón's
life, takes a bullet, and ends up being
treated at the elegant whorehouse where
Marie is being groomed. Marie secretly wants
to escape, and as Simón watches Andrés
fall for her, he realizes that he too loves
the girl.
As the tension builds, you really want
to like this movie. But the script, co-written
by Cuban writer Senel Paz and the movie's
Spanish director, Manuel Gutiérrez
Aragón, becomes almost a ridiculous
farce.
The lines, too often delivered as if they
were being read, belong to contemporary
Cuban rhetoric, not to the '50s. Viewers
unfamiliar with Cuban government jargon
may miss it, but the stuffy, militant dialogue
comes at you in the most unexpected moments
and ruins what minimal magic the love story
has managed.
''You can't read a newspaper during elections,''
Simón comments in a barbershop. "It's
full of politicians making promises they
never keep. I wish we had a government that
didn't hold elections.''
Even sillier is the movie's ending.
''¡Cuba no se rinde! (Cuba doesn't
surrender),'' Simón screams.
It's a line straight out of a Fidel Castro
rant -- and, instead of sad, it becomes
bizarrely funny that the ship is sinking.
And sadly, so does the movie.
Cast: Jorge Perugorría, Alex González,
Broselianda Hernández, Ana de Armas
Screenwriters: Manuel Gutiérrez Aragón,
Senel Paz
Director: Manuel Gutiérrez Aragón
Producers: Gerardo Herrero, Camilo Vives
Running time: 100 minutes. Playing at 9:30
tonight at Gusman.
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