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The Diplomats
We spoke with different diplomatic representatives from the EU and also from
the U.S. In general the following topics were discussed: the political situation
after the Pope's visit, human rights, the opposition and its international
recognition, the role of the Church and the influence of foreign investment, the
role of the EU versus that of the US.
The British Embassy
Human rights: Regular contact is maintained with English NGOs (AI, Cafod)
about Cuba and the issue of human rights. The EU is currently being chaired by
the UK and Tony Blair has made it quite clear that human rights will be a
priority in the EU's future policy, also specifically with respect to Cuba.
In contrast with Clinton in the U.S., Blair has received a great deal of
support from his Parliament. Remarkably enough, Labor is much more critical of
Cuba than the Tories ever were. The embargo is also condemned. The English
promote Cuban trade relations but, at the same time, defend the idea of a
'conduct code' for entrepreneurs, especially with respect to worker rights and
the environment. The recently-acclaimed-by-Castro British important 'trade
delegation' was not much more than a couple of businessmen dropping in from a
nearby island, to spend new years eve at the 'Tropicana'. No substantial amount
of capital is invested in Cuba: a fatally complicated bureaucracy, and the
hardships imposed by the Helms/Burton law, have scared many away.
'Codes of conduct for entrepreneurs, such as those contained in the 'Arcos
principles', are not viable cards to hold while Castro rules the land; that
would topple the whole notion behind current 'joint ventures'.' 'Nevertheless,
we are in favor of voluntary guidelines for entrepreneurs with respect to, for
example, the payment to Cuban workers directly'.
Internal politics: 'The Cuban Communist Party has more internal divisions at
present than ever, not in the least because of the selective effect of "dollarization".
Everyone lives off the Black Market ('our shared common secret'), since the
average monthly salary of 200 pesos cannot buy much. Castro has practically no
friends left, not even in the National Assembly. The Party and the Army are no
longer necessarily identified with each other. In 1994, serious popular
uprisings (riots) took place; it was feared that the Army would join the peoples
side. Now the military are being coddled as much as possible. Many high Party
officials, members of the armed forces or the ministries, own strategic holdings
in the area of tourism and transport. Cuba is increasingly becoming like any
other ordinary Latin American country: corruption is not rare anymore. A small
middle-class is slowly emerging.'
About the opposition: 'Why does open revolt still not exist? People are
under too much pressure just surviving. The status quo is maintained chiefly
through State control, intimidation, persecution, divide-and-reign politics and
the underlying rivalry and suspicion existing among the opposition itself. When
Amnesty International makes reports about the opposition, it sometimes quotes
outdated sources, sometimes focussing on the wrong people. The prisoners on a
hunger strike in Santa Clara got a permit to leave, but the four members of the
'Dissidents Working Group' in Havana did not: they insist on staying in Cuba.
Castro would love to get rid of these 'troublemakers' in particular. Amnesty
International should seek more support for the special U.N. rapporteur assigned
to Cuba, and also for the EU 'common position'. The U.S. embargo is a lost case:
both the U.N. and the Vatican repudiate and ridicule it. Via the embargo, the
U.S. tries to keep the Cuban regime in check. Will a 'day of reckoning' ever
come? Perhaps there is too much shared guilt around this topic. Preventing a
blood-full revenge is also the responsibility of the EU countries and European
NGOs. It is imperative that international attention be focussed on the
protection of Cuban dissidents.'
U.S. Interest Office
'We do not believe that any really profound changes can take place by way of
the Pope's visit. Castro has made a big to-do about the success of the visit.
However, we could take important measures with Cuba months before the event,
such as, for example, increased cooperation on coast-guard surveillance. Some
bilateral agreements exist now, for increased cooperation in areas such as
regional drug control, migration, cultural and educational exchanges. Turning
back boat refugees has gone on without problems recently; no incidents have
taken place.
The MCL (Oswaldo Payá) carried out an intriguing appeal to lift the
embargo 'on food and medicine'. We spoke to Ranneberger (State Department),
advisors of Jesse Helms, and the Senators and Advisors from the Democratic Party
in Cuba, forming part of the 'Pilgrims Program' during the Pope's stay. Democrat
Rangel held a personal talk with Castro about the embargo. On paper, no U.S.
embargo exists on food and medicines: the Cuban State is supposed to request
whatever medicines are needed and we examine the application. Normally we only
impose the following restrictions: the medicine requested must not be found
anywhere on the island, and a neutral third party must see to it that the
supplies are not sent to military hospitals, used in tortures or sold to third
parties. Millions of dollars in medicine have been shipped to Cuba during the
past years. Lifting the rest of the embargo is not politically feasible yet, as
long as no significant or fundamental changes take place. Only small
modifications have been advanced, just enough to keep the State on its feet. Who
can assure us that Castro will later allow U.S. citizens into the country? For
the Cuban elite, there has never been a boycott. They can get always everything
they want'.
On international involvement: 'The discussion should not focus on the
contradictions between North and South but, instead, on Cuba's internal affairs.
We greatly welcome the EU 'common position'. Awareness about Cuba is increasing
also in Latin America, as we are glad to note. Cuba was harshly criticized
during the last Latin American Summit (Chile, then Venezuela). These expressions
of disapproval are new. Canada, with its gigantic 'joint-venture' investment in
the hotel sector, completely plays along with the regime's philosophy of
discrimination: no economic development in the private sector and no
independence for the Cuban civil population'.
Canada
An evaluation of the Pope's visit and how the regime benefitted from it is
in order. Canadian diplomats: 'Apparently, the Cuban State made a big commotion
about the Pope's stay but, in reality, it tried to keep the people as far away
from him as possible. Many men could not attend Mass because they were not given
time off from their work. The critical words pronounced by the Pope during his
sermons were not re-transmitted on television in the evenings, although his
attacks on the embargo and Capitalism certainly were.'
'The economic system is crazy and completely bankrupt. No real planning
exists, they are still experimenting. Citizens have no incentives to do their
best. Effectivity is hard to find. The few existing vegetable and fruit crops
often just rot. Before the Revolution, Cuba was an important food exporter and
held third place in the development rank list of the whole Latin American
continent'.
'Our policy is different from that of the U.S. It is geared towards
dialogue, exchange and mutual respect. There are people in the regime who do
really listen carefully. In an informal way, we discuss the eventual release of
prisoners with the authorities, although only about those who do not 'pose a
threat to the State'. We also discuss the need to pay Cuban employees who work
for foreign companies, in dollars. We invest a great deal, in the hope that the
Cuban regime will change its thinking. Now, through 'bonuses', hard-working
laborers in farming cooperatives can currently get their mandatory service
shortened. Competition and decentralization in industry are bound to raise
productivity. However, until now, there is still no real policy: the dollar was
only introduced because they were forced to do so. They are just experimenting'.
On international policy: 'The European 'common position' has caused
friction. It would be better to offer assistance and training courses, in order
to improve the discredited legal system, like we do. The EU should seek to
establish more dialogue. We maintain some contact with U.S. representatives, but
these links are not really close-knitted.'
Spain
On the Pope's visit: 'Castro manipulated the visit skillfully. It helped to
legitimate the regime. Castro turned his weakness into strength: 'We are not
afraid of what the Pope said. We are strong enough!'. The papal visit has not
really contributed to any fundamental changes yet. It is true that some things
were said that would have been impossible to say only four years ago. In a way,
the Pope and Castro shared many of the same criticisms regarding the embargo,
foreign debt and the IMF policy. Castro supported the Church's social doctrine.
The opinions that did not coincide were carefully evaded or brushed aside.
About the Spain-Cuba relationship. 'There is no Spanish ambassador in Cuba
yet. Spanish entrepreneurs (the most important ones, after the Canadians)
pronounced themselves against the proposed ambassador and have strongly
inhibited Premier Aznar's critical attitude towards Cuba. There are also
dissidents who are not, per se, against foreign investment in Cuba. But as far
as things look now, foreign investment favors the regime and not the population
itself. The 'Arcos Principle' with respect to ethical codes of conduct for
entrepreneurs, has never been the subject of discussion among Spanish investors.
Quite possibly, once the regime falls, Spanish investors, in particular, will be
the object of popular fury and be thrown out of Cuba. In general, European
investment in Cuba is not too impressive, consisting of only approximately eight
million dollars.'
'The bombs placed in several hotels in the summer of 1997, probably came
from groups located in Miami. However, without help from within, nothing can
happen'.
'Salaries are so low that everyone steals from the State when they get a
chance. You just have to, in order to survive. Cuban workers are exploited
exactly in the way as Karl Marx describes in 'Das Kapital'. If the
one-and-a-half million Cubans in Miami were to stop sending money to their
relatives in Cuba, the regime would collapse'.
Regarding U.S.-Cuban relations: 'Cuba is not impressed by the 'common
position'. Commissioner Manuel Marin's pledge to make change possible (the
carrot-and-stick approach) had no effects whatsoever. He left the country
without having achieved any success. Former Premier González didn't
achieve much either, although his approach was completely different. What
approach can be really effective? We really don't know; the Canadians, who
pursue another policy, also have no answer. Nevertheless, when the U.S. formally
protested at the arrest, without formal charges, of the members of the 'Internal
Dissident Working Group' in Havana (July 1997), the response given by the Cuban
regime to the EU included a clearly improvised charge - they had pulled it out
of their sleeve really!'
'The Cuban Penal Code is unacceptable to the European Union. Anyone can be
imprisoned up to four years for 'desacato' (disrespect)! The Pope based his list
of requests for the release of political prisoners on humanitarian grounds; this
in order not to irritate the Cubans, who always allege that political prisoners
are judged impartially, according to the Cuban Constitution. The regime believes
that the Constitution is not up for discussion and no foreigner can interfere
with it. Even if Castro is looking for ways to make closer links with Europe,
the EU must remain consistent in its 'common position', as long as no
fundamental improvements in the area of human rights take place in Cuba.
The Netherlands
Maduro, the ambassador of The Netherlands, and First Secretary Ms. Zuidwijk,
both graciously offered us a helping hand. We were often exchanging ideas during
our stay. Maduro thinks the report made by Pax Christi's youth group, 'La
realidad detrás del símbolo' (1996), is too sharp in tone and that
some names should have been omitted. Some members of the Church got in trouble
because of this report, he says (its authors hold that no one was named in it
without previous consent). With respect to the issue of political prisoners, the
ambassador favors quiet diplomacy. Together we discussed the approach Apostolou
would take before the Parliament, with respect to the expulsion of delegation
member Erik Laan.
The Netherlands just completed its busy period as chair of the EU. In this
function, many contacts with Cuban leaders were carried out. In broad terms,
Maduro's opinions about Cuban affairs and how the Cuban situation is evolving
match those of many of his EU colleagues. He also believes that the Pope's visit
was manipulated by the regime and does not expect any structural transformations
to come out of it. Castro's sudden words in favor of religion and the Pope are
seen as reprehensible and without credibility. On the other hand, the Church
limits itself to its all-cautious 'low key' attitude.
Ambassador Maduro does observe some openings in the Cuban policy, however.
He recently appeared 'live' on State television for the first time, on the
European emergency-aid program Echo. Here the Cuban regime was obviously taking
a calculated risk. Nevertheless, Maduro knows from first-hand experience how
strongly the regime identifies the 'common position' adopted by the EU as
discrimination and unwarranted interference in internal affairs. A cooperation
agreement, in which a human rights clause in included, such as the EU has with
countries such as China and Vietnam, was angrily rejected by the Cuban regime.
On European investment: 'Investment stagnates. The Netherlands is not much
different, though it has a good reputation in Cuba. Europe hesitates because of
Cuban bureaucracy; its uncertain future and existing anxiety about
nationalization. Cuba attempts to lure investors with favorable conditions. Not
long ago, the regime discovered another profitable source of income: the
so-called 'non-governmental organizations' (NGOs), though in Cuba no independent
organizations exist.'
'U.S. policy should focus less on trying to exclude Cuba from making
regional cooperation links in the Caribbean region. In the area of drug control
and emigration policies, a beginning has been made. Cuba wants to highlight its
regional profile. It is founder of the geographical, political and economic
cooperation link the 'Caribbean Association of States'(CAS), formed with Central
and South American countries. Cuba is also an observer in Caricom. The U.S.
cannot become a member of CAS and, being a super-power, it is annoyed by that.'
With respect to U.S. asylum policy: 'this tends to exclude the
'heavy-weights' among dissidents from seeking refuge in the U.S. According to
the U.S., these people should just stay in Cuba, so that the work advanced
inside the country continues to be carried out. We find this an inhuman
criterium.'
The European Emergency-Aid Program Echo
The current Director is the founder of the Spanish division of 'Physicians
without frontiers'. He has been in the post for one year. The EU gave around
eight ECU million last year, to aid projects in the social and medical areas.
'Control has improved: some European NGOs (approximately 25) accompany the
shipments from the moment of their arrival, by air and by sea, and distribute
them until they reach the provinces of destination. The State itself does not
intervene. Now and then, some stealing does take place, but such products are
not yet found on the Black Market. In spite of the coolness between the EU and
Cuba, 'Brussels' (where Echo is located) took the decision to work with the
Cuban regime (for political reasons or in order to raise effectivity?). Cubans
now pay 50% of the sea transport and 100% of the airfare (most via 'Cuba Aviación').
What is striking is that the regime never mentions European donations, but does
make a lot of fuss out of every donation made by 'the American people', for
example via 'Pastores por la Paz'.'
Approximately two million people were reached through the Echo Program. It
has no access to prisoners, although it would love to have it. This is something
only the International Red Cross (ICRC) can do, but they are also not allowed
into the country. What can Brussels do to that? The U.S. de facto embargo on
medicines works along all the bureaucratic ins-and-outs in a similar fashion: it
is hard to get shipments to Cuba. Wouldn't it be possible for Echo to exchange
thoughts on this matter with the US?, we ask.
Physicians without Frontiers
Two Dutch women have led an AIDS-prevention project in Havana since 1996. It
distributes six million condoms a year. The project is increasingly involved in
the distribution of information. The program provides regular consultation hours
and brochures. It is geared mainly to male or female prostitutes, who chiefly
cater to the tourists who frequent Cuba in search for sex. 'What is more, Cuba
is extremely promiscuous', people say, 'because there is no other type of
diversion'. According to official sources, among a population of 11 million,
Cuba has 1.800 HIV-positive patients. Although the regime's control on the
population has been much stricter than in other countries, it has decreased.
This is due to the fact that medical developments are going downhill. There is a
dramatic increase in sexually-transmitted diseases, although no public official
figures are available. The fear that such diseases may get out of control is
probably the reason why the Ministry of Health staff is unwilling to let the
project thrive. Every once in a while, PWF loses hope due to the Cuban
bureaucracy and inflexibility, although now it is also beginning to see
progress. In two years, the project is to be taken over by Cuban personnel.
'That is sure to work', say the doctor and her assistant, during a too-costly
lunch we share in a too costly hotel. Later on, we inform both PWF and the nuns
of Justitia et Pax, who work in the poor neighborhoods and know the prostitutes,
about each other's work. Both were ignorant of each other's activities and
hesitant to show interest in learning about it. 'If they also could do something
about the cause of prostitution', was the first reaction, from one who knows all
the ins and outs of Havana's poor neighborhoods.
The Church
The Commissie Justitia et Pax (J. et P.)
Pastoral Social
Asistencia
Social, Archbishopry Havana
Justitia et Pax no longer has a Director. Unfortunately, the Bishop has been
transferred to a distant Diocese in Guantanamo. The Commission actually only
carries out social work, in a very discreet and careful manner. There is no open
expression of 'justice and peace' at all; the Church does not take risks: 'We
are kept under watch'.
Extensively discussed are the campaigns that the Church held in order to
prepare for the Pope's visit, and how the authorities reacted to these (posters
hung by hundreds of youngsters were immediately removed by the security
services, etc.). After his departure, the 'despapificación' (the Pope
eradication effort) was fully underway, in order to quench any expectations the
people might have gotten. Attendance to church and open masses were impressive
before the Pope's arrival. 'That was, in any case, one achievement'. Now the
Church will persist. She will try to summon back people's faith and the Gospel'.
Honesty, ethics and moral values have been lost during the last 40 years, and
people are trying, from home to home, to bring them back to life. People have an
immense need to give more meaning to their lives.
The Church's social work is called 'Pastoral Social' and is geared mainly to
helping relatives of prisoners. It provides no actual legal help, but help of a
more symbolic nature, or, once in a while, something to eat. Religious are
hardly allowed to enter prisons and then only under strict security measures and
only in cases of prisoners who are very well-behaved, in the eyes of the regime,
and request Church presence for 'religious reasons'. Most inmates formulate this
type of request but the regime dispenses it most of the time. It is far easier
for prostitutes to gain access to prisons than for Church people.
Justitia et Pax tries to keep updated lists of prisoners. Via the Party, it
manages to send correspondence from relatives. The Justitia et Pax lawyer acts
as an official contact with the Party's Central Committee, specifically with its
'Religious Affairs Division', headed by Ms. Caridad Diego. Complaints filed
against jail conditions are never answered.
J. et P.: 'We are powerless. The International Red Cross (ICRC) should
return to Cuba and demand access to the Detention Center. The role played by the
National Red Cross as accomplices of the Cuban security services should be
openly denounced by the ICRC.'
'After the Pope's departure, the Church did not gain the extra space it was
expecting to receive. At least we haven't noticed it'. The 'Casas de misión'
(evangelization centers) are not new really. They are no real concession'.
'We Cubans have become humiliated beggars, dependent on foreign aid instead
of being able to work and produce for ourselves. Dollars coming in through
foreign investment, in the form of famous 'joint-ventures', go straight to the
State. They do not benefit the population at large at all. Let the embargo, that
Castro so abuses, come to an end, and then he will have no more excuses! Caritas
is always forced to set aside for the State an ever-changing percentage of the
foreign donations received (medicines, food). Many goods are stolen as soon as
they reach the airport or the harbor. Instead of going to an empty pharmacy,
people come to us asking for food or medicine. We buy products such as milk
powder, oil, cans, etc., in the dollar shops, to be passed on to families with
children or old people. We get funds for this from organizations like Adveniat
and Misereor; thanks to them we are still alive! Naturally, that is also not the
solution. Why shouldn't we be able to earn money ourselves? If you are not
'loyal' to the Party, you just won't get any work. Most highly-educated people,
even experts, have to resort to working in the garbage dump services, or in
cemeteries, only because they are not considered politically trustworthy. A
specific example: if, as a mother, you are not a member of the State-run women's
organization, FMC, your child will have no place in a child-care center.
However, you can only be a member of the FMC if you have a regular job. How can
you work, with young children at home? It is a vicious circle. Really, it is
rather logical that prostitution at home be seen as a kind of solution.'
'When the school term begins, parents have to make sure they get school
supplies, textbooks, cleaning materials and so forth. They also get these types
of things from us. Do you think this Church contribution is ever acknowledged?
In the meantime, every time the famous U.S. peace pastor, Lucy Walker, donates a
typewriter, the regime applauds.'
'The Pope referred to abortion in Cuba, and rightly so. The Minister of
Health mentions the proportion of one abortion to one birth. In the rather large
nearby hospital, that we visit often, approximately thirty abortions take place
daily. It is not unusual for women to be forced to have abortions. To rebel
against the practice is futile.'
The Nunciature
Will the Church have more space for maneuver after the Pope's visit? This is
something people cannot tell yet. 'The Pope's list of requests has not been
fulfilled yet. Of the fifty foreign priests and other religious functionaries
expected to come and help strengthen the Cuban Church, the majority has not yet
arrived; most were not authorized a visa and are still on the waiting list. No
Catholic education will be permitted but perhaps later on we can celebrate
Easter or, who knows, maybe Christmas once more. Access to the mass media? It
remains uncertain.'
The Nunciature never speaks out in its host country; it lets the local
Church do that. It does not want to put dialogue with the regime at risk; that
is why keeping links with the opposition is so dangerous. They do ask discreetly
after some prisoners, for sure (they are also not allowed to visit prisoners).
'We need more Pax Christi presence here!'.
The 'Center for Citizen Formation' of the Pinar del Río Diocese.
Talk with Director Dagoberto Valdez
This center was mentioned previously in a Pax Christi publication.
The center has been in existence for four years and its goal is to provide
citizens with training, so that they are prepared to participate actively in
society. The starting point is the Church's social doctrine. Discussion groups
with parishioners and people from all different walks of life are organized,
dealing with social and economic issues and international politics as they
relate to Cuba. Citizens are encouraged to take an active participation. They
also try to promote dialogue with the Party at local, regional and national
levels. They publish a somewhat critical magazine, 'Vitral' (Stained Window),
greatly enjoyed among Cuban Church circles. It is also distributed in the U.S.,
Canada, Puerto Rico (and Pax Christi Netherlands). The Party does not find it
'red' enough, even though party leaders are invited to send their contributions
as 'atheist writers'.
The center is actively supported by the Diocese and is generally regarded as
the Cardinal's spiritual child and also as a 'greenhouse' for future leaders in
the transition period. There seems to be a rather large number of civil
opposition groups that feel excluded from the center and believe that it is
elitist.
Director Valdez, a layman, is full of good spirits and regards the Pope's
visit as something positive. He does not believe a stream of repression will
follow it. 'The Pope led us out to the door, now we have to go on further on our
own. He said everything that should be said. What he put in motion is not
reversible anymore. The Church is bound to profit from this. The last years we
have been accorded more space in society and the citizens are reaping the
benefits. Guided change is the way of the Church; we must distance ourselves
from radical civil opposition groups. However, we do accompany dissidents as
much as we can, when they are put in prison. But in reality, we have no genuine
access to them'.
'We do not want to exclude anyone and respect the role of anyone who
contributes, whether it be those associated with the Church or individual
citizens or political groups. It is our task to feed hope and to lead people out
of the apathy to which paternalism has condemned them'.
The regime
Delegate Apostolou held an interview with Mr. J. Lezcano from the National
Assembly, Head of Foreign Affairs. Lezcano pledged to increase the ties between
Europe and Cuba. He regards the EU 'common position' as discrimination and
interference in Cuba's internal affairs. 'Foreign governments do not have reason
to interfere with our laws; if people are put in prison, it is done according to
the Cuban Constitution. We also do not question your laws. That the UN Special
Rapporteur for Cuba was not allowed to enter Cuba, is due, in our opinion, to
the fact that appointing such a rapporteur was not an independent act undertaken
by the UN, but rather something instigated by the U.S. The U.S. blocks our
integration in the Caribbean region. Can Europe make any positive contribution?
The 'Platform for Human Rights and Democracy in Cuba', founded by Pax Christi in
The Hague last year, was set up with cooperation from the mafia in Miami.'
Epilogue 1
End of February, 1998.
The release of large groups of prisoners is expected in the meanwhile; both
the Cuban regime and the Vatican speak of hundreds. The Pope is believed to have
given the Cuban authorities a list of about 300 prisoners (political and
'ordinary' inmates), putting in a plea for mercy; that is, he requested that
they all be unconditionally released. Meanwhile, there is a great deal of
confusion about the names on that list. Very soon it appeared that at least one
hundred of those on the list had already been released (some, even years
before). Apparently the Church in Cuba did not check the list with the internal
opposition before it was presented to the authorities. Is this due to the lack
of contact between the Cuban church hierarchies and the country's civil
opposition? Seventy people listed are said by Fidel Castro not to qualify for
release, due to the nature of their 'counter-revolutionary' activities. As far
as the four dissidents of the Internal Dissident Working Group in Havana
(Beatriz Roque, among others) are concerned, arrested last summer for writing a
critique on the recommendations issued by the Fifth Party Congress, 'The
Motherland belongs to all', the EU protested and demanded that the four be
released, until now without success. The four have declared not to leave the
country after their possible release.
What remains is not clear. A group of about nineteen 'conscientious
objectors', among whom can be found sick and old people, will leave for Canada.
Many opposition leaders, who pose a real threat to Castro and who, above all,
refuse to leave the country, will not be in this group. On the contrary, new
processes (against the four members of the Havana 'Dissident Working-Group') and
prison sentences have been announced, in compliance with Cuban Penal Code. As
long as the Cuban Penal Code is not converted into a modern, fair, juridical
system, the cells emptied will be filled constantly with new victims.
Clearly the propaganda surrounding the "release of hundreds of
prisoners" has been more a question for "international consumption"
than a real change in policy (Cuba seeks to approach Europe and wants to profit
from the commercial preferences of the ACP-countries). To applaud the measure
prematurely is bound to damage the people it is intended to help. They will
experience that, once again, the international community lets itself be cheated
by Mr. Castro and his proxy.
Conclusions and recommendations
- The Pope's visit to Cuba is valued as positive, in general, although the
efforts made by the Cuban regime to 'coopt' the visit on its behalf are also
recognizable. In any event, the Pope's journey probably contributed to greater
local freedom of movement for parishes in general; under this umbrella, all
sorts of civil 'cultural groups' emerged, that were previously forbidden, groups
that, according to the law prohibiting free associations or reunion, could not
exist in effect.
On an international scale, the Pope's call to lift the embargo has
undoubtedly led to a definite change in the U.S. climate regarding the imposed
measure; it is a fact that the embargo on food and medicine will be lifted
shortly. Even Senator Jesse Helms, who initially proposed tightening the
embargo, has made proposals in this direction himself.
Likewise, aggressiveness and mutual exclusion among Cuban circles in Miami
has also become somewhat lower in tone. The volume of the 'flexible' and the
'strict' has grown less loud. It is possible that the Pope's words about
reconciliation and dialogue were heard by the diaspora.
It is of the utmost importance that awareness in Europe serve to unmask the
Cuban reality, and that recognition be given to the existence of a Cuban
opposition worth being appreciated and supported in practical terms.
Europe, that is, the EU member states, as well as European NGOs, must
intensify its links with its U.S. counterparts, in order to reach consensus
regarding a social policy benefitting the entire Cuban population. Lifting the
embargo must help towards this, as well as taking other measures designed to
create and increase confidence.
- European entrepreneurs desiring to invest in Cuba should adopt behavior
codes such as the 'Arcos Principles', that, among other things, comply with
international behavior codes formulated by the International Labor Organization
(ILO), so that Cuban citizens can also benefit from foreign investment and not
just the State. As it stands today, foreign investment only serves to strengthen
the existing totalitarian regime. The EU should publicly support the 'Arcos
principles' and actively encourage enterprises to abide by these guidelines and
implement them. NGOs and specific international trade union federations can play
a favorable role in getting the 'Arcos principles' put into effect.
- The EU's 'common position' (96) must be permanently upheld. It must be
defended, at all costs, if no genuine improvement in the area of human rights
and democracy takes place in Cuba. It is also of crucial interest that the EU
keeps regular contact with Cuba's internal opposition.
- Pressure must be kept on the Cuban regime to allow international
human-rights organizations into the country; to release political prisoners and
to make the necessary, democratic reforms to the Cuban penal code.
- The International Red Cross (ICRC) should have unrestrained access to
Cuba's detention centers. The National Cuban Red Cross must be investigated by
the ICRC, as to become independent from the Cuban regime.
- The current Cuban UN representative in Geneva, former Public Prosecutor
and Minister of Justice Carlos Amat, has been identified as the person
responsible for the murder of the passengers on the '13 de marzo' raft in 1994,
both by survivors and relatives of the victims of the 'revolutionary tribunals'
in the Sixties and Seventies. He has been singled out as a war criminal. Pax
Christi Nederland makes an appeal to all international human-rights
organizations to request before the UN, as well as before the Swiss regime, to
declare Carlos Amat 'persona non grata' and send him back to Cuba.
Epilogue 2
May 1998
It seems our fear came true: rather than some substantial change, the Pope's
visit to Cuba has served to added to the international legitimization of
Castro's regime, in spite of the fact that a large amount of the cuban
population has wholeheartedly welcomed and appreciated the Holy Father's
efforts. About the famous release of around three hundred prisoners (only about
half of them political prisoners, some under the condition of exile), much
international successful propaganda has been made. Various international leaders
are preparing to visit the island. An example is prime minister Chrétien
of Canada (country number one investing in Cuba) who visited Cuba in april 1998.
But their modest calls for respect for human rights are plainly rejected by
Fidel Castro as intolerable interventionism. French, italian and spanish
entrepreneurs are happy to increase their commercial ties with the regime,
unhindered by ILO-conventions. The spanish king and government representatives
are about to visit the island.
Due to political manoeuvering between member states of the UN Human Rights
Commission in Geneva, shrewd diplomatic lobbying and pressure exerted by the
Cuban regime, all combined with an inefficient advocacy on the part of activists
and human-rights NGOs (Cubans and non-Cubans alike), the mandate for the Special
Rapporteur for Cuba was not prolonged for the first time since its installation
eight years ago.
It is more necessary than ever that international NGOs replace the task of
the Special Rapporteur on defending human rights in Cuba. Human Rights Watch
/Americas, Amnesty International and Reporters sans Frontiers are increasingly
paying attention to the suffering of the cuban population in a highly qualified
way. Pax Christi Netherlands continues the promoting of NGO cooperation on a
European level, informing the European Union and seeking international support
for the internal dissidence in Cuba.
Our proposals now are to promote:
1) the establishment in Habana of an office of the UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights, such as in Colombia.
2) the installation in Cuba of a church led 'Vicaría de Solidaridad',
comparable to the church human rights office in Chile during the dictatorship of
general Pinochet and the 'Tutela Legal office', in El Salvador, during the war
in Central America.
3) the establishment of a Human Rights Commissioner for Cuba at the European
Union.
Liduine Zumpolle
Latin America Department
Pax Christi Netherland
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