Cuban American Filmmaker
Profiles Fidel Castro For PBS
Hispanic
Business, January
13, 2005.
Two-hour documentary airs Monday, January
31
Boston, MA--(HISPANIC PR WIRE)--January
13, 2005--
WHAT:
Fidel Castro, an unflinching documentary
from Adriana Bosch
WHEN:
Broadcasts nationally January 31, 2005 on
PBS
WHO:
Adriana Bosch, writer, producer, director
Available for interviews
-- in Los Angeles: January 15 - January
18
-- in Boston: January 19 - 22
-- in Miami: January 23 - January 31
-- or by phone
About the biography
Fidel Castro is a new two-hour documentary
from American Experience on the controversial,
charismatic dictator who has confounded
American presidents from Eisenhower to Bush,
while surviving a CIA-backed invasion, countless
assassination plots, an economic embargo
- even the collapse of his benefactor, the
Soviet Union. Fidel Castro is produced,
directed, and written by Adriana Bosch.
Spanish subtitles on CC3. Bilingual Web
site at http://www.pbs.org/amex/castro
About Adriana Bosch
Adriana Bosch has written, directed, and
edited acclaimed political and social documentaries
for nearly two decades. Born in Cuba, Bosch
moved to the United States in 1970. She
is well known for her presidential biographies
for American Experience, including Ulysses
S. Grant, Jimmy Carter, Reagan, and Ike,
as well as her work on The Rockefellers
and The Churchills. Bosch is the recipient
of numerous awards, including a primetime
Emmy Award, the Christopher Award, and Peabody
Awards for Reagan and Ike.
Bosch received a BA in political science
from Rutgers University and holds a PhD
in International Affairs from the Fletcher
School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.
Source: Hispanic PR Wire
© 2004
Hispanic Business Inc. All Rights Reserved.
Filmmaker Interview
American Experience, PBS,
December 21, 2004.
In this interview, Cuban-born filmmaker
Adriana Bosch describes working on Fidel
Castro.
Bosch has written, directed, and edited
acclaimed political and social documentaries
for nearly two decades. She is known for
her presidential biographies for American
Experience, including Ulysses S. Grant,
Jimmy Carter, Reagan, and Ike, as well as
her work on The Rockefellers and The Churchills.
Her other credits include series editor
for Americas and Mexico, associate producer
for two programs in the series War and Peace
in the Nuclear Age, and associate editor
for Frontline Special Report: Crisis in
Central America. Bosch is the recipient
of numerous awards, including a primetime
Emmy Award, the Christopher Award, and Peabody
Awards for Reagan and Ike.
How did you feel about making a program
on Castro?
I looked at Castro as the opportunity of
a lifetime. After having done Carter, and
many other biographies, I thought I could
bring those skills into a subject that really
meant a great deal to me and that was very
close to my heart. I had an opportunity
not just to do an analytical and an intelligent
job, but something that was more personal...
even though it remains within the bounds
of American Experience.
I left Cuba at age 14... I lived through
nine years of that revolution as a conscious
person, and I have vivid experiences and
vivid memories, not only of what the process
was like, but what it felt like and what
people around me felt like, on both sides
of the issues. My parents were initially
very, very much enamored with Fidel Castro,
as were most Cubans, the vast majority of
Cubans. And, in a very short period of time,
became deeply disillusioned.
Do you have any personal memories of
Castro?
My first memory of Fidel Castro is when
I was four years old. I remember the entry
into Havana... I remember him from television,
and I used to kiss the television set. I
used to just, like, kiss, kiss, kiss the
TV set when I was four years old. When I
heard that Fidel was coming to Santiago
de Cuba, which is where I'm from -- and
I think this must have been three, four
weeks into the revolution in '59 -- my father
took me to the airport... I was right next
to the stairs where [Castro] descended.
And he picked me up and kissed me. Hey,
all politicians kiss babies, you know.
What were some of your challenges as a
filmmaker?
One of the great challenges in making this
story was to try to capture a lifetime into
a two-hour documentary. That is true of
most American Experience documentaries,
with the difference that most presidents
are in power two terms, or one term. Castro
has been in power [the equivalent of] 12
terms... So you end up with almost an unmanageable
history. The way I approached it was by
jumping into events that I thought would
best highlight not only his personality,
but also the key issues in the revolution.
The film is heavy on archive [film footage].
We thought that it was better to show it
than to try to tell it. And it is also very,
very heavy on Fidel. We have a lot of Fidel.
Fidel at the Plaza de la Revolucion, Fidel
with peasants, Fidel doing his thing, Fidel
at the U.N., and if you watch carefully,
you will see a remarkable character...
Hour one really sets out to explain the
origins of Fidel Castro and the origins
of the Cuban revolution. And also, how did
it get to be what it became? I picked a
date, which is the right date for the consolidation
of his power, and that is Bay of Pigs. So
the first hour ends at Bay of Pigs, and
that is April 1961. Now, between April 1961
and the year 2004, that's a lot of years
to cover. So what I did is I jumped into
stories that I thought revealed the most
about him. For example, Fidel Castro, the
great revolutionary in the 1960s. Fidel
Castro, the world statesman in the 1970s.
Fidel Castro, the ruthless dictator around
the issue of human rights in the 1980s.
Fidel Castro, the leader that stubbornly
clings to power and has the will to power
that will defy anything and survive anything,
including ten American presidents and the
collapse of the Soviet Union that not only
subsidized the Cuban economy, but gave it
ideological legitimacy. That is quite a
remarkable achievement... he has been in
power longer than anyone else, any other
leader of the 20th century. I think maybe
Queen Elizabeth has been in power longer
than he has, but that's it.
Is there a key to understanding Castro's
success?
There was one thing his daughter [Alina]
said to us that we did not use in the show,
which I think, retrospectively, is a very
important thing: how he himself was surprised
at the reaction of the Cuban people. You
look at the footage of his entry into Havana,
and it's just overwhelming.
There was of course the feeling of liberation
from Batista... Batista made it a point
to show the bodies of the people that were
tortured, the bodies of the people that
were killed. He thought he could frighten
Cubans. Instead, he revolted them. And I
think there was a sense of enormous liberation
when Batista was overthrown. All of Cuba,
or most of Cuba, was against Batista.
But there is more than that. I think that
Cubans have this concept of a revolutionary...
Fidel comes in and he was the messiah, the
savior. He was going to deliver people and
deliver Cuba to its true greatness.... There
were pictures of Fidel in every living room.
There were signs in every house, just about,
that said, Fidel, esta es tu casa. "Fidel,
this is your home." When Fidel announced
that he was Communist, they started a campaign,
and the campaign simply said, Si Fidel es
comunista que me pongan en la lista. Yo
tambien, yo tambien, yo tambien. "If
Fidel is a Communist, add my name to that
list. Me too, me too, me too." No matter
what Fidel was, the Cuban people were going
to be, and there was this overwhelming sense
that this man had all the answers.
Why have so many Cubans come to the
United States?
There's always been this bone of contention
about the true motivation of Cubans coming
to the United States, between political
and economic. Some people say, it's an economic
migration. Other people say, no, we came
looking for freedom. Well, both. Both are
true, to an extent, in everyone, because
you cannot separate politics from economics.
But it is true that there are layers in
Cuban migration, and that the later people,
the people who have come, particularly the
people who came in 1980, in the Mariel boat
lift, were from a different class than the
people who came earlier. This is not entirely
true, but it is pretty much true.
And you could argue that those people came
to the United States for economic reasons,
but if you have a government that runs the
economy as the Cuban government has, and
the people leave the country because they
can't stand how their lives are, you know,
what their lives are like -- the absence
of hope. They're tired of scarcity, they're
tired of working, they're tired of all that
struggle. Is that politics or economics?
I mean, you're rejecting a government that
has impoverished your life, and in that
way it's very hard to distinguish between
economics and politics.
Looking back, how do you view the Cuban
revolution?
You have to look at the Cuban revolution
as two revolutions. First, the revolution
against Batista. And that was a revolution
that basically included everyone in Cuba,
except the people that were with Batista...
From all walks of life. You know, from sugar
mill owners to shoe shiners. And black and
white and everyone.
There was a second revolution, which is
a social revolution that is put in place
very, very slowly. Within a year or two.
Where you begin to see that this was not
everyone's revolution. The program identifies
the moment in which Fidel says this for
the first time... Land reform has just passed.
He looks at the crowd and he says, this
is democracy. Like Athens, but better, because
this is not the democracy of the oligarchs
or the military. And so, he says, this is
democracy of the people. So immediately,
at that moment, he's separating. This is
not democracy for all. That social revolution
is the second revolution, where he mobilizes
a lot of the lower classes and the youth.
The storm troops of the Cuban revolution
were the young people.
I can't tell you the exact date, but I
think when the nationalizations began, when
las intervenciones, "the interventions"
-- basically, the expropriation of businesses
began, I think a lot of people turned against
the revolution. And then there was the increasing
sense of that this was also a reign of terror,
and that there were arbitrary arrests...
Slowly, Fidel began to abandon the idea
of elections. Once the revolution came to
power, elections were to be held in 18 months,
and he began to move away from that. Newspapers
began to come under a great deal of pressure.
But I think the main thing that turns [some]
people against the government is the idea
that this is going to be a Communist country.
At that time, Communism was a very bad word,
and had very, very bad implications.
How do Cubans today feel about the revolution?
There are conflicting narratives about
the Cuban revolution. There is the narrative
of Fidel Castro, the narrative of the romantic
revolution, and then there is the narrative
of the Cuban exile community... My objective
was to break through that, and to try to
take out of each narrative what seemed to
me historically accurate, and to try to
construct another narrative that took into
account [all] sides... Within each narrative,
there are kernels of truth. And what I tried
to do is save those truths and stay as far
away as I could from some of the more wild
allegations on both sides.
I am not a Cuban revolutionary. I am a
Cuban exile. But at the same time, I recognize
that there are some truths to the narrative
of the Cuban revolution as viewed by the
revolutionaries, and that those deserve
to be in the show because, unless you include
those things, you end up with a partial
and unexplainable picture of that revolution.
How do you understand, how do you comprehend
the amount of popular support that Fidel
Castro had? And I don't mean in 1959 when
he came to power, I mean into the 1960s,
into the 1970s. The exile community, and
the narrative of the exile community, is
incapable of explaining that, and I thought
that that needed to be brought to the table.
At the same time, when you talk to people
in the Cuban revolution, [according to them]
there was no opposition in Cuba to the regime.
[Opponents] were all traitors, imperialists,
created by the United States, and that is
very, very wrong. There was a genuine, home-grown
opposition, mostly made up of people who
had once opposed Batista. The people who
were with Fidel got turned against Fidel
because they wanted another type of revolution.
And it was very, very widespread.
What do you want people to take away
from the program?
Coming up with an ending to the film was
very hard. We didn't want to be too judgmental,
we had maintained a pretty careful objectivity...
And at the end, you're expecting judgment.
And that's a tough thing. So executive producer
Mark Samels came up with a great idea, which
was to end the film at the very beginning
of the film. The film ends with the notion
that there was one day in Cuba where all
seemed possible, and when the hopes of an
entire nation were put on the shoulders
of one single man. I was very happy with
that... because it leaves you with the question,
was that good or was that bad?... I think
the viewer has to make up their own mind.
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