Lift
a Ban, Help a Dictator
By Stephen Johnson. Fox
News, Monday, October 27, 2003.
Members of Congress who want to lift the
U.S. ban on travel to Cuba -- and there
are many -- aren't motivated by a desire
to help its infamous dictator Fidel Castro
(search). They simply want to stop "imposing
limits on the American people's right to
travel," in the words of Sen. Byron
Dorgan, D-N.D.
But any changes in U.S. policy toward
Castro should be tempered with the realization
that there are no easy answers to the Cuban
conundrum. Lifting the travel ban could
make it easier for non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) to help Cuban dissidents -- but at
the cost of doing business with Cuba's state
enterprises, thus propping up the regime.
Besides, Castro isn't about to let in hordes
of tourists, anyway, especially if he thinks
they may provoke a situation that might
get out of his control. U.S. officials aren't
the only ones interested in limiting one's
"right to travel."
On the positive side, sanctions signal
continued solidarity with the captive Cuban
populace, who continue to suffer under the
heel of one of the world's last remaining
communist dictatorships. They serve to protect
American security, which is one reason President
Bush recently reaffirmed his strong stance
against Castro. Restricting credit and potential
income can prevent Castro from regenerating
his efforts to support insurgents and terrorists
abroad.
On the negative side, though, Americans
aren't used to being told they can't go
places or sell services and goods to whomever
they like.
A year and a half ago, on Cuban Independence
Day (search), President Bush put the ball
in Castro's court. Announcing his New Cuba
Initiative, he challenged Castro to allow
free and fair elections, permit citizens
to freely assemble and express themselves,
and ease restrictions on private enterprise.
In exchange, Bush promised to lift sanctions
on trade and travel, matching Castro step-for-step.
Castro's response was to ignore the president's
proposal and jail some 80 independent human
rights activists and journalists. These
actions drew criticism from the European
Union, whose aid Castro renounced, and derision
from former supporters worldwide.
To date, Castro hasn't changed his policies.
But that hasn't stopped the U.S. travel
industry and agribusiness from pressuring
a growing number of federal lawmakers to
lift sanctions against the Cuban regime.
In contrast, President Bush has been putting
some teeth into his Cuba policy. He recently
announced measures that would:
--Tighten enforcement against unlicensed
U.S. travel to the island through the Department
of Homeland Security,
--Institute a new lottery system to encourage
legal immigration to the United States,
--Initiate more effective public diplomacy
to reach the Cuban people, and
--Establish a new commission, headed by
Secretary of State Colin Powell and Secretary
of Housing and Urban Development Mel Martinez,
to develop a post-Castro engagement policy.
Such measures may not hasten Castro's downfall
any more than other strategies attempted
throughout the 44 years Castro's been in
power, but they serve a critical purpose.
They will cut off some cash flow to the
regime and send a signal of solidarity to
European and Latin American allies, who
are now beginning to take stands against
Castro's continued captivity of the Cuban
people.
But for that hard-line approach to work,
the Bush administration must be honest.
While couched in terms of helping Cubans
gain freedom, the only legal basis for travel
restrictions is to keep the regime from
regenerating its ability to become a security
threat.
That capacity withered with the end of
the Soviet Union and its $5 billion annual
subsidies to the island. Nonetheless, cheap
oil flowing from Venezuela and rhetorical
support from neo-populist leaders in Brazil,
Bolivia and Argentina have given top Cuban
officials hope that the time is ripe for
a return to Marxist (search) revolution.
Congressional backers of lifting restrictions
on Cuba also hold out hope. They believe
that American tourist dollars and loans
will soften the regime and coax it into
America's sphere of influence.
That's unlikely, since past trade and aid
from Canada and Europe have not made Castro
any more tractable. Only sustained pressure
on a broad scale can safeguard space for
Cuba's democrats and contain the potential
security threat that Castro's regime continues
to pose for the hemisphere.
National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice
recently noted that the United States must
"hold the flame for those who are not
yet free." But even more is at stake.
Cuba still supports terrorists and revolutionaries,
and Castro's underlings still think their
dictatorship can be exported elsewhere.
It's time to prove them wrong.
Stephen Johnson is senior policy analyst
for Latin America at The Heritage Foundation,
a Washington-based public policy research
institute.
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