Country Reports on Human Rights Practices -2000

Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.

February 2001

Cuba is a totalitarian state controlled by President Fidel Castro, who is Chief of State, Head of Government, First Secretary of the Communist Party, and commander-in-chief of the armed forces. President Castro exercises control over all aspects of life through the Communist Party and its affiliated mass organizations, the government bureaucracy, and the state security apparatus. The Communist Party is the only legal political entity, and President Castro personally chooses the membership of the Politburo, the select group that heads the party. There are no contested elections for the 601-member National Assembly of People's Power (ANPP), which meets twice a year for a few days to rubber stamp decisions and policies already decided by the Government. The Party controls all government positions, including judicial offices. The judiciary is completely subordinate to the Government and to the Communist Party.

The Ministry of Interior is the principal organ of state security and totalitarian control. Officers of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), which are led by President Castro's brother, Raul, have been assigned to the majority of key positions in the Ministry of Interior in recent years. In addition to the routine law enforcement functions of regulating migration and controlling the Border Guard and the regular police forces, the Interior Ministry's Department of State Security investigates and actively suppresses opposition and dissent. It maintains a pervasive system of vigilance through undercover agents, informers, the rapid response brigades, and the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR's). The Government traditionally uses the CDR's to mobilize citizens against dissenters, impose ideological conformity, and root out "counterrevolutionary" behavior. During the early 1990's, economic problems reduced the Government's ability to reward participation in the CDR's and hence the willingness of citizens to participate in them, thereby lessening the CDR's effectiveness. Other mass organizations also inject government and Communist Party control into citizens' daily activities at home, work, and school. Members of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.

The Government continued to control all significant means of production and remained the predominant employer, despite permitting some carefully controlled foreign investment in joint ventures with it. Foreign companies are required to contract workers only through Cuban state agencies, which receive hard currency payments for the workers' labor but in turn pay the workers a fraction of this (usually 5 percent) in local currency. In 1998 the Government retracted some of the changes that had led to the rise of legal nongovernmental business activity when it further tightened restrictions on the self-employed sector by reducing the number of categories allowed and by imposing relatively high taxes on self-employed persons. In September the Minister of Labor and Social Security publicly stated that more stringent laws should be promulgated to govern self-employment. He suggested that the Ministry of Interior, the National Tax Office, and the Ministry of Finance act in a coordinated fashion in order to reduce "the illegal activities" of the many self-employed. According to government officials, the number of self-employed persons as of September was 156,000, a decrease from the 166,000 reported in 1999.

According to official figures, the economy grew 5.6 percent during the year. Despite this, overall economic output remains below the levels prior to the drop of at least 35 percent in gross domestic product that occurred in the early 1990's due to the inefficiencies of the centrally controlled economic system; the loss of billions of dollars of annual Soviet bloc trade and Soviet subsidies; the ongoing deterioration of plants, equipment, and the transportation system; and the continued poor performance of the important sugar sector. The 1999-2000 sugar harvest (just over 4 million tons) was marginally better than the 1998-99 harvest. The 1997-98 harvest was considered the worst in more than 50 years. For the tenth straight year, the Government continued its austerity measures known as the "special period in peacetime." Agricultural markets, legalized in 1994, provide consumers wider access to meat and produce, although at prices beyond the reach of most citizens living on peso-only incomes or pensions. Given these conditions, the flow of hundreds of millions of dollars in remittances from the exile community significantly helps those who receive dollars to survive. Tourism remained a key source of revenue for the Government. The system of so-called tourist apartheid continued, with foreign visitors who pay in hard currency receiving preference over citizens for food, consumer products, and medical services. Most citizens remain barred from tourist hotels, beaches, and resorts.

The Government's human rights record remained poor. It continued to violate systematically the fundamental civil and political rights of its citizens. Citizens do not have the right to change their government peacefully. There were unconfirmed reports of extrajudicial killings by the police, and reports that prisoners died in jail due to lack of medical care. Members of the security forces and prison officials continued to beat and otherwise abuse detainees and prisoners. The Government failed to prosecute or sanction adequately members of the security forces and prison guards who committed abuses. Prison conditions remained harsh. The authorities continued routinely to harass, threaten, arbitrarily arrest, detain, imprison, and defame human rights advocates and members of independent professional associations, including journalists, economists, doctors, and lawyers, often with the goal of coercing them into leaving the country. The Government used internal and external exile against such persons, and it offered political prisoners the choice of exile or continued imprisonment. The Government denied political dissidents and human rights advocates due process and subjected them to unfair trials. The Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights. The Government denied citizens the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and association. It limited the distribution of foreign publications and news, reserving them for selected party faithful, and maintained strict censorship of news and information to the public. The Government restricts some religious activities but permits others. Before and after the January 1998 visit of Pope John Paul II, the Government permitted some public processions on feast days, and reinstated Christmas as an official holiday; however, it has not responded to the papal appeal that the Church be allowed to play a greater role in society. During the year, the Government allowed two new priests to enter the country (as professors in a seminary) and another two to replace two priests whose visas were not renewed. However, the applications of many priests and religious workers remained pending, and some visas were issued for periods of only 3 to 6 months. The Government kept tight restrictions on freedom of movement, including foreign travel. The Government was sharply and publicly antagonistic to all criticism of its human rights practices and discouraged foreign contacts with human rights activists. Violence against women, especially domestic violence, and child prostitution are problems. Racial discrimination occurs. The Government severely restricted worker rights, including the right to form independent unions. The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children; however, it requires children to do farm work without compensation during their summer vacation.


Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:

a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing

There were no reports of politically motivated killings. There were unconfirmed reports of deaths due to the excessive use of force by the national police.

On October 6, according to a report by the Agencia de Prensa Libre Oriental (APLO--an independent news agency), a policeman shot 41-year-old Leovigildo Oliva, from El Poblado, Dos Caminos de San Luis, Santiago province, as he was returning home in the early morning on horseback carrying a bag of animal feed. Oliva was taken to the hospital and died a few hours later. No explanation was given for the shooting.

On December 28, 27-year-old Leonardo Horta Camacho was shot and killed. According to some reports, Horta apparently was shot while trying to steal a pig; a policeman reportedly told Horta's girlfriend that he was accidentally shot while struggling with a policeman. Another version was that police thought Horta was one of two escaped prisoners that they were searching for.

Government sanctions against perpetrators were light or nonexistent in the cases of deaths due to excessive use of force that occurred in 1998. There was no information available about the results of any investigations into the 1998 deaths of Wilfredo Martinez Perez, Yuset Ochoterena, and Reinery Marrera Toldedo.

During the year, there were reports that prisoners died in jail due to lack of medical care (see Section 1.c.).

In 1996 the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) issued its final report on the Government's July 1994 sinking of the 13th of March tugboat, which killed 41 persons. The IACHR ordered the Government to indemnify the survivors and the relatives of the victims for the damages caused. At year's end, the Government still had not done so. The Government detained a number of human rights activists to prevent them from participating in a Mass in memory of the victims on the anniversary of the deaths (see Sections 1.d. and 2.c.).

b. Disappearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The Constitution prohibits abusive treatment of detainees and prisoners; however, there were instances in which members of the security forces beat and otherwise abused human rights advocates, detainees, and prisoners. There were numerous reports of disproportionate police harassment of black youths (see Section 5).

On January 22, Communist Party members attacked members of the Sigler Amaya family in their home in Pedro Betancourt, in the province of Matanzas, in the presence of police officers. The family was concluding a fast for the release of two of their family members, Guido Sigler Amaya and Ariel Sigler Amaya, who were detained on December 15, 1999. After destroying a number of placards, the 10 party members attacked several persons in the family with sticks. Juan Francisco Sigler Amaya was knocked unconscious; Miguel Sigler Amaya suffered a broken rib; Gulliver and Ulises Sigler Gonzalez, the sons of Juan Francisco, received lesser injuries. Party members also beat Gloria Amaya Gonzalez, the grandmother. After the attack, police officers entered the house and arrested all the men in the house. The police did not arrest the attackers. On January 23, the authorities released Juan Rogelio "Yeyo" Gonzalez, Juan Francisco Martinez, and Miguel Sigler Amaya but fined them for disturbing the peace and causing public disorder. At year's end, the Government had not sanctioned any of the Communist Party members for this attack. Police released Guido Sigler Amaya on July 9, and Airel Sigler Amaya on August 5.

On July 13, Ernesto La O Ramos of the "Maximo Gomez National Civic Movement," reportedly planned to place flowers in a nearby river in commemoration of the death of 41 persons, who died in the sinking of the 13th of March tugboat in 1994. A policeman warned La O Ramos not to go to the river. When he refused, the policeman brought him to the police station. On the way to the police station, La O Ramos greeted a friend, and the policeman reportedly interpreted this as an indication that La O Ramos intended to run away. The officer hit La O Ramos in the face, fracturing his nose and breaking his eye glasses. La O Ramos was cited for disrespect and his trial on August 3 was postponed until further notice. However, on September 29, the judge dismissed the charges against La O Ramos.

The Government continued to subject persons who disagree with it to acts of repudiation. At government instigation, members of state-controlled mass organizations, fellow workers, or neighbors of intended victims are obliged to stage public protests against those who dissent with the Government's policies, shouting obscenities and often causing damage to the homes and property of those targeted; physical attacks on the victims sometimes occur. Police and state security agents are often present but take no action to prevent or end the attacks. Those who refuse to participate in these actions face disciplinary action, including loss of employment.

During the year, there were no massive acts of repudiation directed against the homes of individual human rights activists; however, there were smaller-scale acts of repudiation, known as "reuniones relampagos," or rapid repudiations. These acts are conducted by a small number of persons, usually not from the person's neighborhood, and can last up to 30 minutes. These individuals shout epithets and throw stones or other objects at the target's house. For example, in the early morning on June 21, a small group of persons threw stones, tomatoes, and eggs for about 10 minutes at the home of Yvette Rodriguez Manzanares in Santiago de Cuba. Rodriguez is a member of Followers of Chibas Movement (MSC).

On the night of August 12, unknown persons threw stones at the house of Nelson Parra Polanco, a member of the Democratic Solidarity Party in Manzanillo in the province of Granma. On September 27, just before midnight, an unknown number of persons entered the yard of the house of Isabel del Pino, president of the Association of Humanitarian Followers of Christ the King, and knocked loudly on her door. The crowd also shouted abusive language, such as "Down with the Worm" ("Abajo la gusanera"), "Let the worms leave" ("Que se vayan los gusanos"), etc.

Prison conditions continued to be harsh and life threatening, and conditions in detention facilities also are harsh. The Government claims that prisoners have rights, such as family visitation, adequate nutrition, pay for work, the right to request parole, and the right to petition the prison director. However, police and prison officials often denied these rights in practice, and beat, neglected, isolated, and denied medical treatment to detainees and prisoners, including those convicted of political crimes or those who persisted in expressing their views. Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that in February 1999, the Government revised the Penal Code to provide that prisoners cannot be subjected to corporal punishment, nor is it permitted to employ any means against them to humiliate them or to lessen their dignity. However, the revised code failed to establish penalties for committing such acts.

The Government regularly violated prisoners' rights by failing to provide adequate nutrition and medical attention. On June 1, APLO reported that Marcelo Diosdado Amelo Rodriguez, imprisoned in Boniato, was not receiving medicine for hypertension and circulatory problems. In June the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) called on the Government to provide medical treatment to two journalists serving prison sentences. The two journalists suffered from hepatitis and serious influenza, and the IAPA feared that one might contract tuberculosis. On July 27, an independent press agency reported the death of common prisoner Lucia Castelua Padron because prison authorities did not transfer her to a hospital to receive treatment for hepatitis. In 1997 the IACHR described the nutritional and hygienic situation in the prisons, together with the deficiencies in medical care, as "alarming." Both the IACHR and the former U.N. Special Rapporteur on Cuba, as well as other human rights monitoring organizations, reported the widespread incidence in prisons of tuberculosis, scabies, hepatitis, parasitic infections, and malnutrition.

On April 10, over 100 prisoners in Prison 1580, located in the Havana City municipality of San Miguel del Padron, protested the lack of medical attention and requested better prison conditions. On May 3, a number of prisoners reportedly rioted in Kilo 7, a prison in Camaguey, and requested better medical treatment, better food, and personal respect. Special police forces apparently attacked the prisoners and terminated the strike, an action that resulted in 20 prisoners being hospitalized.

Prison guards and state security officials also subjected human rights and prodemocracy activists to threats of physical violence; to systematic psychological intimidation; and to detention or imprisonment in cells with common and violent criminals, sexually aggressive inmates, or state security agents posing as prisoners.

There are separate prison facilities for women and for minors.

Prison officials regularly denied prisoners other rights, such as the right to correspondence, and continued to confiscate medications and food brought by family members for political prisoners. Prison authorities also routinely denied religious workers access to detainees and prisoners.

Political prisoners are required to comply with the rules for common criminals and often are punished severely if they refuse. They often are placed in punishment cells and held in isolation. Detainees and prisoners often are subjected to repeated vigorous interrogations designed to coerce them into signing incriminating statements, to force collaboration with authorities, or to intimidate victims.

Vladimiro Roca Antunez, a member of the Internal Dissidents Working Group, remains in prison, and was moved from solitary confinement in early July to a section of the prison for common prisoners. Prison officials denied Roca prison furloughs over weekends, which were granted to the three other members of the group before their release in May (see Section 1.e.).

The authorities took Dr. Oscar Elias Biscet to a prison in Holguin, located about 450 miles from Havana where his family lives, immediately following his 1-day trial in February. On June 7, Biscet was placed in a "punishment cell" and could not receive visitors nor receive food, clothes, or publications. He was not allowed to take any reading materials to the punishment cell, not even the Bible. The authorities allegedly placed Biscet in a punishment cell because he started a 6-hour fast to commemorate the 40 days of fasting that he started on June 7, 1999, in an apartment on Tamarindo 34 in the 10th of October municipality in Havana. On July 1, Biscet left the punishment cell; however, authorities sent him back to the punishment cell again when he announced his intention to fast on July 13 in honor of the Cubans who died when the 13th of March tugboat sank in 1994. Prison authorities reportedly told Biscet that such actions were disruptive of prison life and could lead to violence. Biscet served 42 days in solitary confinement. In November prison authorities punished Biscet again, this time for protesting inadequate medical attention for 10 common prisoners suffering from diarrhea. Guards allegedly denied him food that his family brought and refused to allow a scheduled family visit. Biscet still was imprisoned at year's end.

From May 24 to June 1, political prisoners Jorge Garcia Perez (Antunez) conducted a hunger strike to protest the lack of medical attention, the arbitrary removal of books and literature, including the Bible, and suspension of family visits. He reportedly received improved treatment from prison officials following the hunger strike.

On August 22, the parents of Jesus Joel Diaz Hernandez reported that he was placed in a punishment cell in the provincial prison of Canaleta in Ciego de Avila. Prison officials did not allow him to have any literature, including the Bible.

Although no longer in solitary confinement in a punishment cell, Francisco Chaviano Gonzalez, who was president of the National Council for Civil Rights in Cuba and who has been imprisoned since 1994 on charges of espionage and disrespect, refuses to see family members until prison officials guarantee that he can receive visits from his family members once a month, in accordance with prison regulations. Presently Chaviano and his wife exchange letters.

The Government does not permit independent monitoring of prison conditions by international or national human rights monitoring groups. The Government has refused to allow prison visits by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) since 1989 and continues to refuse requests to renew such visits.

d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile

Arbitrary arrest and detention continued to be problems, and they remained the Government's most effective weapons for harassing opponents. The Law of Penal Procedures requires police to file formal charges and either release a detainee or bring the case before a prosecutor within 96 hours of arrest. It also requires the authorities to provide suspects with access to a lawyer within 7 days of arrest. However, the Constitution states that all legally recognized civil liberties can be denied to anyone who actively opposes the decision of the Cuban people to build socialism. The authorities routinely invoke this sweeping authority to deny due process to those detained on purported state security grounds.

The authorities routinely engage in arbitrary arrest and detention of human rights advocates, subjecting them to interrogations, threats, and degrading treatment and unsanitary conditions for hours or days at a time. A survey by the illegal nongovernmental organization (NGO) the Cuban Commission of Human Rights and National Reconciliation reported that the Government sanctioned or processed 368 persons for political motives in 1999. Amnesty International (AI) further recognized the increase of arrests and harassment of dissidents at year's end, particularly around the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, when the authorities arrested approximately 200 persons to prevent them from participating in a celebration of that anniversary. Human rights activists characterized this escalation as the worst in a decade. Elizardo Sanchez Santa Cruz, president of the Cuban Commission of Human Rights and National Reconciliation, said that he especially was disturbed about the new and unlawful methods that the security forces used to harass dissidents, including the use of force when arresting activists.

For example, the police arrested Victor Rolando Arroyo Carmona, an independent journalist, and Pedro Pablo Hernandez Mijares during a birthday party celebration for Noel Ascanio Montero in Guines. The police beat Rolando Arroyo, confiscated his cassette recorder (he is an independent journalist) and $15. Police subsequently left the two men on the side of a road, far from Guines. The men returned to Guines and went to the local police station to lodge a formal complaint against the police, but instead were again driven away and left on the road more than 20 miles away. On returning to Guines in the early morning, Rolando Arroyo again went to the police station, but police intercepted him and took him to the next municipality of Guanajay.

In December 1999, police detained Jose Aguilar Hernandez and Carlos Oquendo Rodriguez of the July 13 Movement, Diosdado Gonzalez Marrero of the Peace, Love, and Liberty Party, and Marcel Valenzuela Salt of the Brotherly Civic Organization when they attempted to demonstrate during the religious festivities in honor of St. Lazarus, near the small town of El Rincon, near Havana. On June 13, the authorities released the four men.

In December 1999, the authorities arrested Maritza Lugo Fernandez, the vice president of the Democratic November 30 Party and released her only on June 2. Maritza Lugo had been released from jail in August 1999, then was detained various times before her subsequent arrest in December 1999. When Maritza Lugo was released, state security officials told her to prepare the papers for the departure of her family, including her husband, Rafael Ibarra Roque, who still was in jail. However, in December the authorities again arrested Maritza Lugo and detained her until year's end without filing charges against her.

The authorities continued to detain human rights activists and independent journalists for short periods, often to prevent them from attending or participating in events related to human rights issues. The authorities also placed such activists under house arrest for short periods for similar reasons.

On January 13, security personnel impeded a number of human rights activists and independent journalists from attending the trial of independent journalist Victor Rolando Arroyo Carmona. Victor Rolando received a 6-month jail sentence for allegedly hoarding toys. He bought toys to distribute to poor children on January 6. The Government confined Juan Carlos Perez Arencibia, Feliciano Alvarez, and Cecilio Gonzalez to their homes so that they could not attend Arroyo's trial in Pinar del Rio. In 1996 Arroyo Carmona served a 1-year and 9 months' prison term for showing disrespect to authorities.

On January 25, police detained Oswaldo Paya Sardinas, president of the Christian Liberation Movement and Hector Palacios Ruiz, director of the Center for Social Studies. According to Elizardo Sanchez Santa Cruz, the two were detained to prevent a meeting from taking place at Palacios' house regarding "All United," a document that was issued just before the Ninth Ibero-American Summit in November 1999 in Havana. The police also detained a number of other dissidents, including Jose Orlando Gonzalez Bridon, Secretary General of the Confederation of the Democratic Workers Union of Cuba, and an independent journalist; all were released the same afternoon. Police had detained Bridon on January 20 and questioned him about his journalistic activities.

State Security officers detained human rights activists and independent journalists, including Alejandro Chang of the Movement of Fraternal Brothers for Dignity; Nelson Aquiar Ramirez of the Orthodox Party, Maria A. Garcia Delgado of the Movement of 24 February, Carlos Alberto Dominguez of the November 30 Democratic Party, Carlos Rios of Change 2000, Clara Morales Martinez of the July 13 Movement, Angel Polanco, Rafael Peraza, Maria de los Angeles Gonzalez Amaro, and Jose Antonio Fornaris Ramos to make sure they did not attend the 1-day public trial of Dr. Oscar Elias Biscet, Eduardo Diaz Fleitas, and Fermin Scull Zulueta, which took place on February 25 in Havana. In addition, the authorities told many dissidents and independent journalists not to attend. The authorities ordered prominent dissident Jesus Yanez Pelletier not to leave his house, and placed guards outside to ensure compliance. Others who were ordered to stay in their homes were Maria Esther Suarez Valdes of the Confederation of Democratic Workers Union of Cuba; Ileana Gonzalez of the Democratic Party November 30; Ruben Camalleri of the Movement of February 24; Carlos Raul Jimenez Carrero of Nationalist Agenda; and Odilia Collazo Valdes of the Pro-Human Rights Party of Cuba. The authorities placed independent journalists Omar Rodriguez Saludes and Jorge Olivera Castillo under 1-day house arrest.

On May 24, security police detained four human rights activists who were on their way to deliver a letter requesting better prison conditions for political prisoners to prison authorities in Vedado, Havana. The letter also protested Dr. Biscet's incarceration 450 miles away from his family. Police detained Armando Dominguez and Iosvani Aquilar Camejo of the Movement of Fraternal Brothers for Dignity, and Alejandro Chang Cantillo and Marlon Cabrera of the Brotherly Civic Movement. On October 23, the police released Marlon Cabrera Rivero and Alejandro Chang Cantillo; they released Armando Dominguez Gonzalez on October 20 and Iosvani Aquilar Camejo on October 30. The authorities also fined Aguilar Camejo about $30 (600 pesos) for disturbing the peace in the prison.

On June 29, the police arrested Rafael Iturralde Bello, president of the Libertad independent agricultural cooperative in Santiago de Cuba, outside a bus station in Pinar del Rio. They arrested Iturralde before he could meet with other members of the National Association of Independent Farmers of Cuba in Pinar del Rio. They released Iturralde 24 hours later and placed him on a bus to Santiago de Cuba.

As in previous years, on July 13, police prevented activists from commemorating in any way the 1994 incident in which 41 persons drowned when the Border Guard sank the 13th of March tugboat (see Section 1.a.). Beginning on July 12, police detained activists in a number of provinces, and ordered others to remain in their homes on July 13. The authorities told dissidents that if they did not obey they would be prosecuted for illegal assembly and distribution of enemy propaganda, or for incitement to rebellion. In Santiago de Cuba, more than 80 state security agents reportedly attacked about 30 dissidents who had thrown bouquets of flowers into the ocean in honor of those who died in 1994. State Security agents allegedly also beat women in the group. Security agents accused the dissidents of being thieves and delinquents (see Section 2.b.).

On July 21, the authorities also prevented activists in Santiago de Cuba, including independent journalist Luis Alberto Rivera and Fidel Soria Torres and Ivette Rodriguez Manzanares of the MSC, from attending the trial of Nestor Rodriguez Lobaina and Eddy Alfredo Mena Gonzalez of the Movement of Cuban Youth for Democracy. The two men were charged with disrespect, causing damages, and causing public disorder. On August 15, the court gave Rodriguez a 6-year prison sentence and sentenced Mena to 5 years in prison (see Section 1.e.).

On September 8, security police ordered a number of human rights activists not to attend the annual procession in honor of the Virgin of Charity (see Section 2.c.).

The Penal Code includes the concept of "dangerousness," defined as the "special proclivity of a person to commit crimes, demonstrated by his conduct in manifest contradiction of socialist norms." If the police decide that a person exhibits signs of dangerousness, they may bring the offender before a court or subject him to therapy or political reeducation. Government authorities regularly threaten prosecution under this article. Both the U.N. Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) and the IACHR have criticized this concept for its subjectivity, the summary nature of the judicial proceedings employed, the lack of legal safeguards, and the political considerations behind its application. According to the IACHR, the so-called special inclination to commit crimes referred to in the Criminal Code amounts to a subjective criterion used by the Government to justify violations of the rights to individual freedom and due process of persons whose sole crime has been an inclination to hold a view different from the official view.




...Prensa Independiente
...Prensa Internacional
...Prensa Gubernamental


...Cooperativas Agrícolas
...Movimiento Sindical



...Artes Plásticas
...Fotos de Cuba
...Anillas de Tabaco

...Quiénes Somos
...Informe 1998
...Correo Electrónico

CubaNet News, Inc.
145 Madeira Ave, Suite 207
Coral Gables, FL 33134
(305) 774-1887