CUBANET ... CUBANEWS

February 10, 2003



Cuba News / The Miami Herald

The Miami Herald, February 10, 2003.

Non-Hispanics find influence among Cubans

By Karl Ross. Kross@herald.com. Posted on Sun, Feb. 09, 2003

At a recent gathering at a Coral Gables schmoozing spot, then U.S. Rep.-elect Mario Díaz-Balart, R-Miami, and his former business partner, publicist Seth Gordon, expressed their undying devotion to each other.

''It's a man-man love thing,'' Gordon later joked at Díaz-Balart's farewell party days before his swearing-in last month. "But don't tell anybody because it would hurt his chance for reelection.''

The light-hearted exchange capped a successful 10-year public relations business partnership for Díaz-Balart, the rising Cuban-American leader, and Gordon, the New England native who describes himself as their firm's "ideologically ambiguous gringo civic dude.''

When the two joined forces, Díaz-Balart was a young, hungry politician in need of a paycheck and Gordon was a public-relations man short on clients. Both say they prospered as a result of the partnership, as blue-chip companies such as BellSouth and the Florida Marlins enlisted their services.

Such symbiotic alliances between members of Miami's Cuban-American ruling class and non-Hispanics such as Gordon are not as uncommon as some residents may believe.

The image of an ethnically polarized metropolis was etched into the national psyche during the standoff over child rafter Elián González in 2000. Such tensions surfaced again recently, when Miami Shores fired a building department official who told a Herald columnist that Cuban immigration was responsible for the demise of the Orange Bowl Parade.

Gordon and other non-Hispanics who have prospered in partnership with local Cuban Americans say their experience provides little-publicized evidence of cooperation.

''Those who think there's a big Cuban conspiracy, a Cuban cabal are very much uninformed,'' said Ric Katz, a publicist and political consultant. "They haven't read American history.''

Other non-Hispanics influential in Cuban-American circles include:

  • Hugh Cochran, a retired FBI agent who lives in Hialeah and runs a Little Havana campaign data and political consulting office.
  • Patrick Fiore, a political activist and chairman of the West Kendall Community Council, appointed to that post by County Commissioner Joe Martínez.
  • Michael Pizzi, a Miami Lakes councilman who represents a heavily Hispanic district.
  • Brian May, former chief of staff to county Mayor Alex Penelas and informal advisor to Miami Mayor Manny Diaz, now a prominent lobbyist.

A COMMON THREAD

Dario Moreno, a political science professor and campaign consultant, sees a common thread.

"What these guys all have in common is they are willing to accept that Hispanics are the dominant force politically in Miami-Dade County -- by sheer numbers. And democracies are about sheer numbers.''

Despite Cuban majorities on the County Commission and in the legislative delegation, Moreno said, Miami-Dade's body politic is not monolithic. Barriers of language and culture are far from insurmountable.

''I have friends who call me an honorary Cuban even though I don't speak Spanish,'' Gordon said. "I never felt at a disadvantage.''

He is not alone. May describes his Spanish as ''minimal.'' Katz says most of his vocabulary was derived from the menu at Versailles restaurant in Little Havana. Cochran admits he's far from fluent, though he says ''I'm Cuban by ZIP Code.'' Pizzi and Fiore are conversant, although their grammar lacks polish.

But they say you don't have to speak the language to prosper in Miami-Dade's Cuban business and political circles. Katz, in fact, was appointed spokesman for Penelas' 2000 reelection campaign. 'Initially, I said, 'Wait. Who's going to handle the Spanish media?' and the answer was 'You are.' ''

He said Spanish-language TV and print reporters had no problem translating his sound bites or news releases.

May ran the mayor's previous campaign in 1996 and was a key advisor in 2002. Since leaving the mayor's staff, he has made a lucrative career at the lobbying firm Barreto, Cunningham & May.

While speaking Spanish is optional, observers say, being attuned to Cuban-exile sensitivities is important.

''I'm probably the only person from Bangor, Maine, who sided with the Cuban population on Elián González,'' Gordon said.

May, a native of Carmel, N.Y., and Fiore, who hails from Scranton, Pa., could make similar statements. Both supported the exile position of keeping Elián in the care of U.S. relatives against his father's wishes -- a stance that met strong opposition in most of the country.

''There's no future in Cuba,'' Fiore, a former state child welfare investigator, said.

Outwardly, Fiore's Marlboro Man visage -- tall, lanky, with blond hair and piercing blue eyes -- makes him seem an unlikely match for his political mentor, Commissioner Martínez.

Martínez, a former police officer, won a commission seat in 2000 with the help of police labor unions, the Latin Builders Association and exile businessmen such as the late Carlos Salman, a co-founder of the Cuban American National Foundation.

Yet he tapped Fiore, a casual acquaintance who pitched in on his campaign, to sit on the local zoning board.

''I think Patrick pretty much connects with everybody,'' Martínez said.

'IT CAN BE DONE'

After working on several local races for Cuban-American candidates, Fiore, 46, is pondering running for elected office, though he lives in a predominantly Hispanic district.

''It can be done,'' Fiore said, "if you have a good personality, speak some Spanish and you're a staunch anti-communist.''

Miami Lakes Councilman Pizzi has found a way to ingratiate himself with at least some Hispanic voters. He uses his limited Spanish to flirt with female constituents, usually in the presence of their husbands.

''I call every woman in my district linda or novia and they kind of like it,'' said Pizzi, a Brooklyn, N.Y., transplant. "They smile and give me a big hug.''

In October, Pizzi successfully defended his City Council seat with 65 percent of the vote, despite drawing a Cuban-American challenger. The district is 59 percent Hispanic.

Former FBI agent Cochran said his bonds with Miami's exile community were forged during his years thwarting plots by anti-Castro groups. He calls many of those he once pursued "freedom fighters.''

Since his retirement in 1996, Cochran has become active in another popular cat-and-mouse game -- Miami-Dade politics.

His firm, Campaign Data, has crunched voter information for more than 200 campaigns in the past five years.

Less frequently, Cochran still conducts ''opposition research.'' His client roster includes Penelas, whom he met through Herman Echevarría, one of the mayor's closest confidants.

As citizen activists in the late 1980s, Cochran and his wife once tried to oust Echevarría, who was at the time Hialeah City Council president. They blamed him for the city's haphazard zoning.

The effort failed, but a lasting friendship followed.

Cochran said unlikely friendships, such as that with Echevarría, which was born out of adversity, have taught him some lessons about life in Miami.

''Anglos are squandering an opportunity to be involved,'' he said. "Cubans are very inclusive, and I am proof they will allow even a rigid, former FBI agent to be, at the very least, on the periphery of power.''

Protecting borders a complex challenge

By Tim Johnson and Jennifer Babson. tjohnson@herald.com. Posted on Sat, Feb. 08, 2003

WASHINGTON - So how good is U.S. homeland security if four uniformed Cuban agents can climb out of a vessel and trundle down a Key West street before detection?

Or if a boatload of 235 Haitian migrants can run aground off the Rickenbacker Causeway?

Questions about U.S. preparedness to intercept terrorists arise after such blunders -- and spark concern. Only nine days ago, Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge warned in Miami that "one slip, one gap, one vengeful person, can threaten the lives of our citizens at any time.''

By all accounts, the four Cuban border agents who arrived in Key West before dawn Friday, one of them carrying a Chinese-made handgun in a hip holster, meant no harm.

But the latest breach of U.S. territory underscored the complexity of homeland security. The limited resources of the Coast Guard and Border Patrol, as well as the nation's lengthy perimeter, are among the factors restricting U.S. control, experts and scholars say.

Compounding the challenge are the difficulties of judging where terrorists could penetrate the country, and what weapons of terror they could bring, they say.

Even as security is tightened at U.S. airports and seaports, huge stretches of the coastline and the land borders with Mexico and Canada remain porous, experts say, leaving a vulnerable flank to terrorists.

Some experts worry that extremists might exploit that weakness.

''We are acting as if we are at war in our effort overseas but we are not behaving as if we are at war at home, which is perplexing given that our adversaries have said they are going to bring the war to us,'' said Stephen Flynn, a retired Coast Guard commander and homeland security expert at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York City.

ADDITIONAL DUTIES

The Coast Guard, which has come under particular fire for the recent incidents in South Florida, is one of the federal agencies pulled in new directions in the war on terrorism.

Just last week, the Coast Guard said it was deploying 600 of its personnel and eight of its 110-foot cutters from the Atlantic Seaboard to the Middle East in preparation for a possible U.S.-led war against Iraq.

Even given new ships and more employees, the Coast Guard might never be able to keep out unwanted penetrations from the sea.

''There's no way the Coast Guard can secure all that shoreline,'' said Philip Anderson, director of the homeland security project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a think tank in Washington.

''We have a Coast Guard smaller than the New York City police department. Do you think they have a chance?'' echoed retired Air Force Col. Randy Larsen, director of the Anser Institute for Homeland Security in Arlington, Va.

Land borders, while not an issue in Florida, are equally as penetrable, and the constant flow of illegal migrants -- and narcotics -- into the United States highlights that point.

About 350,000 foreigners cross illegally into the United States every year, the majority of them via land, said John Keeley, of the Center for Immigration Studies, a Washington think tank.

Keeley said Friday's incident in Key West only brings attention to the matter.

''It's just another of an ongoing, near-daily exhibit of the porous nature of our borders,'' Keeley said. "Our borders are so porous -- whether you're talking about South Florida or the Southwest border or the 5,000-mile border with Canada -- that anybody who wants to come in can come in, whether it's a Mexican day laborer or an al Qaeda terrorist.''

Anderson said U.S. taxpayers and legislators would be unwise to focus too heavily on human traffic across land and sea borders -- instead of other, perhaps larger, threats, such as weapons of mass destruction in shipping containers.

''It's not something that I'm worried about,'' Anderson said. "If somebody wants to walk across the border, or get across by boat, they are going to do it.''

Most of those who cross into the United States illegally are harmless in terms of national security, and the cost of trying to halt the flow completely is too onerous, he said.

'WHY WORRY'

''Here's the key point: Why worry about something that there's no easy solution to?'' he said.

Terrorists from the al Qaeda network could attempt to approach U.S. shores from abroad, but they would probably need a ship to do so, Anderson said.

''Some have suggested that they may have 15 ships,'' he said. "Big ships are a lot easier to detect than these small boats the Cubans come over on.''

Larsen concurred that U.S. citizens may have to learn to live with small violations of homeland security, as counter-terror officials focus on averting a more massive type of attack.

''You can't go chasing every single nut with a sniper rifle or who crosses the border,'' Larsen said.

But "spending money to defend against biological threats is very important.''

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