| CUBA
NEWS
The
Miami Herald Exile group may visit Cuba The
Cuban American National Foundation is encouraging its directors and other exiles
to travel to Cuba in May to show solidarity with dissidents. A U.S. government
official supports the idea. By Oscar Corral. ocorral@herald.com.
Posted on Fri, Mar. 11, 2005. For the first time, the Cuban American
National Foundation is encouraging its directors to travel to Cuba -- to participate
in a meeting of dissidents, diplomats and journalists in Havana in May. CANF
is urging other Cuban exile organizations to do the same in a show of solidarity
with Cuba's budding dissident movement. But its request was immediately rejected
by CANF's archrival, the more conservative Cuban Liberty Council. CANF's
declaration came in response to an invitation from dissidents planning the Assembly
to Promote Civil Society on May 20. ''There will be a presence of directors
and members of the foundation there,'' CANF Chairman Jorge Mas Santos said Thursday.
"We think it's an opportune time.'' The dissidents' invitation, dated
Feb. 25, is from Felix Antonio Bonne Carcasses, Rene de Jesús Gomez Manzano
and Martha Beatriz Roque Cabello, three well-known pro-democracy activists on
the island. ''This event will mark the turning point for the work that all
the member entities in our coalition -- more than 350 -- are doing to help organize
the development of a civil society in our country,'' the dissidents wrote. In
the past, CANF directors who wanted to travel to Cuba had to resign from the foundation
on principle and for security reasons. Thursday's announcement is the latest shift
at a foundation that drove an especially hard line under founder Jorge Mas Canosa,
but has more recently come under fire from mostly Republican critics for softening
its approach toward Castro. The assembly is set to occur in a period of
communist retrenchment in Cuba and has not been sanctioned by the Cuban government.
Some skeptics believe Cuban President Fidel Castro will never allow it to take
place. But already, the assembly has received broad international support and
attention, and stopping it abruptly would further tarnish Cuba's human rights
record. MIGHT BE REJECTED Even if Cuban Americans receive a license
from the U.S. government to travel to the meeting, the Cuban government can deny
them entry. However, Mas Santos said CANF directors will find ways to get
to the island without challenging current travel restrictions and without breaking
U.S. law. For example, current law allows U.S. citizens to travel to Cuba
to visit family only once every three years. Most foundation members have not
been to Cuba in the past three years, so they can probably get a license to travel
there rather easily. Several CANF directors and executive committee members live
in other countries, which would make it easier for them to go. CANF has
a license from the U.S. Treasury Department to send humanitarian aid to the island
and may be able to use that license to send representatives to the meeting for
''humanitarian'' reasons. U.S. Rep. Lincoln Díaz-Balart, R-Miami,
said he respects exiles who want to travel to Cuba legally to support the May
20 assembly, as well those who don't want to go out of principle. A State
Department official who spoke on condition of anonymity said the U.S. government
encouraged people to legally travel to Cuba to support the conference despite
Bush administration initiatives to curtail travel to the island. The official
said that U.S. citizens who apply for a travel license under the context of ''support
for the Cuban people'' have a good chance of getting a visa. 'A RIGHT' ''Cubans
in Cuba and Cubans in America have a right to encourage democratic change in Cuba,''
the official said. "Anybody who is undertaking these activities, from
my perspective, is doing God's work. From a political perspective, does this make
sense? Absolutely.'' At least one other exile group, Democracy Movement,
said it plans to send representatives to the meeting. President Ramón Saul
Sánchez declined to give details. . The Cuban Liberty Council said
that it rejects the idea of traveling to Cuba for any reason while Castro remains
in power. CLC Executive Director Luis Zuñiga said that the council is giving
''economic support'' for the assembly but declined to provide details. Cuba
reinstating economic controls Cuba is gradually returning
to tight state control of its whole economy. Some analysts say it's preparing
for a day when Fidel Castro no longer rules. By
Nancy San Martin. nsanmartin@herald.com. Posted on Mon, Mar. 07, 2005. As
Cuban leader Fidel Castro put it recently, the revolution will no longer allow
any blandenguería -- wimpiness -- at home to go unpunished. More
and more, the Cuban government is tightening its political and economic controls
-- from ordering tourism workers to spy on clients to canceling foreign companies'
checkbooks -- in what analysts believe is a campaign largely designed to prepare
the island for Castro's eventual death. ''This is a very well thought-out
policy. In the long term, it sets up the state for succession,'' said Hans de
Salas del Valle, a researcher at the University of Miami's Institute for Cuban
and Cuban-American Studies. ''It works like this: They tighten the screws
politically, improve the economic situation slightly and, thereby, ensure control''
when Castro passes on, de Salas added. The 78-year-old Castro, who has ruled Cuba
for 46 years, has suffered a couple of fainting spells in recent years and a fall
in which he shattered a kneecap and broke an arm. The new restrictions hark
back to the Cuba of the 1960s, '70s and '80s, when the central government controlled
virtually everything, took a dim view of foreign tourists and investors and outlawed
the holding of U.S. dollars. The end of the Soviet Union's massive subsidies
forced Havana to open its economy somewhat in the early 1990s, legalizing the
dollar, encouraging foreigners to visit and invest and giving managers of state
enterprises more leeway to grow profits. BENT ON CONTROL But now Castro
is bent on regaining control of a population and government agencies that grew
accustomed to a measure of independence -- and on cracking down on the widespread
corruption and black-market activities that the economic reforms fueled. Castro
emphasized those points in a recent six-hour speech to economists in which he
asserted that the Cuban economy had finally come out of its post-Soviet abyss
-- in essence arguing that the 1990s reforms were no longer needed. The
U.S. dollar had been recently ''dishonorably discharged'' from circulation --
shops no longer accept them from Cubans -- and control of the economy was shifting
back to the the hands of central government planners where it belongs, Castro
said. Cuba's economic ''motor,'' he added, would be revved up not by open-market
reforms but by deals with China and Venezuela -- the former ruled by the Communist
Party, the latter by President Hugo Chávez, Castro's top ally and a regional
economic powerhouse while oil prices remain high. In a separate speech to
health workers three days later, Castro angrily complained about an increase in
the street availability of medicines -- at dollar prices -- that are difficult
to find at government-subsidized peso prices. ''Don't let anyone believe
that la blandengueria can continue without repercussions,'' Castro said, according
to a report by the news agency EFE. "We will not stay with our arms crossed.'' Indeed,
Castro has been busy in recent weeks and months putting more controls on his people
and his economy. Effective in mid-February, the Tourism Ministry ordered
all workers in the industry to report to state security agents any critical words
or actions by their clients, to reject all tips and to avoid personal interaction
with foreign visitors -- all to protect the purity of Cuba's socialist values. At
the same time, the Central Bank began requiring prior approval for most foreign
exchange transactions. Cuba analysts saw the move as an attempt to increase the
government's control of foreign currencies and attack corruption, but predicted
it would also slow Cuba's already sluggish international business relations. A
few weeks earlier, all state enterprises were ordered to deposit all the U.S.
dollars they obtain -- usually through exports -- into a single government bank
account, then request bank permission to withdraw dollars when needed for imports. Controls
on the dollar accounts of foreigners in Cuba were also tightened and some of the
checkbooks were withdrawn, apparently to force the foreigners to physically go
into the banks to do their business. FEWER JOINT VENTURES Insiders
say some economic tightening adopted in 2003, and other factors, had led foreigners
to shut down many of their companies in Cuba -- all joint investments with the
government -- even before the latest round of controls. One report issued in 2004
said the number of active joint ventures had fallen from a high of 585 to 342,
but analysts say the number today is now even lower. In November, U.S. dollars
in circulation were replaced with government-created ''convertible pesos'' --
pegged at one-to-one but worthless off the island. The government also slapped
a 10 percent fee on converting dollars to pesos. And in October, the Labor
Ministry strengthened its controls over the labor market by halting the issuance
of new licenses for about 40 categories of self-employment -- from magician to
used-book vendor and funeral wreath maker. Cubans' ability to work for themselves
and not the state, legalized in 1993, at one point allowed up to 209,000 people
to earn a living outside some government controls. The number was down to 150,000
last year. Cuba analysts say the governments is putting aside the sort of
small-scale economic reforms that helped it through the 1990s in the belief that
the island will be better off if it makes larger deals with the likes of China
and Venezuela. ''The investors that Cuba wants now are those that can bolster
the state sufficiently in order to sustain political stability,'' said UM's de
Salas. "They won't sacrifice the political system for the sake of economic
growth. . . . The political system is not negotiable.'' Paolo Spadoni, a
University of Florida professor who closely follows Cuba's economy, agreed that
Castro is now betting that he can improve the economy by recentralizing the government's
controls rather than adopting new reforms. ''The path is clear: recentralization,''
Spadoni said. "It's been incremental with more restrictions and more control.'' But
analysts say the new regulations are short-sighted and risk even tougher times
ahead for the already struggling nation. ''What they are doing does not
make economic sense,'' said St. Thomas University economist María Dolores
Espino. "They have decided that what is important is [domestic] efficiency
and not the [foreign] markets. The problem is you can't be efficient without the
markets.'' ''The bottom line is that it looks very bad in the long term,''
Espino added. But not if Castro cares only about a peaceful assumption of
power by his successors once he dies, de Salas said. ''I think where it's all
headed is a likely authoritarian succession modeled after China and Vietnam,''
he said. "Time is on the regime's side. All they have to do is stay afloat.'' Cuban
dissidents seek support for peaceful rally Herald translator
Renato Pérez contributed to this report. Posted on Fri, Mar. 11, 2005 Cuba
today is dominated by a communist regime similar to those that once spread through
Eastern Europe. For more than 46 years, power has been exercised by the same man;
only one party exists; dissent over official policies is forbidden. Amnesty
International has declared Cuba the country with the largest number of prisoners
of conscience in the world. When it comes to economics, the people are mired in
poverty; the average monthly wage is less than $10. In sum, all human rights are
violated. Surrounded by this situation, several hundred small independent
(not legalized) organizations have decided to join together, form the Assembly
for the Advancement of Civil Society and gather peacefully in Havana on May 20
to debate ways to democratize Cuba. It is easy to understand that, in these
circumstances and facing the power of the totalitarian state, our project needs
the support and encouragement of the greatest possible number of men and women
of good will in the world. To that end, we respectfully invite you to write
and give us your valuable opinions and, if you wish, express your support for
our peaceful efforts. We hope to answer each and every one of you, with
much appreciation and recognition. You may write to us at the following
electronic address: mbroque1712@yahoo.es RENE GOMEZ MANZANO
MARTHA BEATRIZ
ROQUE CABELLO,
former political prisoners, Havana, Cuba 'Havana Night
Club' is a spectacle -- but just too Vegas A Las Vegas
troupe, who defected from Cuba last year, got a rousing reception with a mix of
salsa, timba, rumba, pop, acrobatics and nightclub dance routines. Jordan
Levin. jlevin@herald.com. Posted on Fri, Mar. 11, 2005. Havana Night
Club: The Show -- the much anticipated spectacle that caused a political furor
when its 50-something members defected from Cuba while performing in Las Vegas
last fall -- hit the University of Miami's Convocation Center Thursday night,
playing to a sold-out crowd of 7,000 who gave a standing ovation to almost every
number. The audience clapped, sang along, laughed at even lame jokes, and
exuded a warmth that seemed to feed the dancers and musicians onstage. The
energy in the room was exciting, but the show itself was thoroughly strange. Touted
as a history of Cuban music and dance, Havana Night Club was instead a mishmash
of spectacle and cliché, as much Vegas as it was Cuban. The show
has nothing to do with the kind of genuine folkloric culture presented by groups
like Los Muñequitos de Matanzas, or even with the real Cuban street culture
of Havana right now. This was a shallow tourist view of Cuba, a bizarre mix of
salsa, timba, rumba, pop, acrobatics, nightclub dance routines, sexy poses and
bad acting. Created, produced and directed by Nicole ''ND'' Durr, who is
German, it looked like someone who knew nothing about real Cuban music and dance
swept together a bunch of bits and pieces, put it in oversized sexy costumes,
pumped up the lights and turned up the volume. Despite all this, Havana
Night Club still generates a helluva lot of heat. The structure may be hokey and
mixed-up. But the performers were spectacular -- beautiful, charismatic, talented.
The dancers are gorgeous, energy and rhythm flying through their bodies to fill
up even this cavernous space. The band is tight, kicking, and has that unmistakable
Cuban urgency of rhythm that makes dancing seem a more natural option than standing.
The singers were fine. The warmth and energy of the entire cast is the most
Cuban thing about this show: in the scattered moments where the material is actually
Cuban, you can almost smell Havana. They were electrifying, and the audience ate
them up. You can see why the show has been so popular in Las Vegas and on tour
throughout the world. Which makes you wonder what they would look like doing
real material. Even the clichés are mixed up here. The opening ''African''
section features a Cirque du Soleil type moment where a woman in an exotic feathered
bird costume swoops in on a trapeze while dancers writhe in awe. The rumba section
had dancers in giant headdresses and mambo skirts on top of huge white drums and
a bunch of acrobatics that have nothing to do with this African, rootsy style.
This is pop Cuba, at pumped-up mega show scale and volume. It was exciting. But
it still doesn't touch the heart and heat of the real thing. Activist
says his project tackles Cuba's 'culture of fear' By
Vanessa Arrington, Associated Press Writer. March 08. 2005. Cuba's
"culture of fear" is the biggest hurdle people living under the communist
government must overcome to bring about peaceful political change, Cuba's best-known
dissident told The Associated Press. Oswaldo Paya said he hopes his latest
effort to bring democracy to the island, the National Dialogue, will reduce that
anxiety and push Cubans into action. "It's like therapy, so people
will understand the origin of their fear, the origin of their status," he
said in an interview Monday, describing the project. "It's therapy where
Cubans discover their dignity ... and discover that life can be different." Unlike
other regimes that have controlled citizens through force, Paya said Cuba maintains
order by relying on people's fear of punishment - ranging from ostracism to imprisonment. "This
regime dominates through people's fear," he said, sitting in his living room
filled with photographs of Cuban political prisoners and portraits of Jesus Christ.
"It's a culture of fear. It's like a system of anticipated paralysis, in
which people are not capable of expressing themselves or having conflicting attitudes." The
National Dialogue, formally launched last summer, has formed a committee of 110
people to organize thousands of Cubans into small groups to discuss changes to
Cuba's political and economic systems. A blueprint for reforms, drafted with the
participation of opponents and supporters of President Fidel Castro on and off
the island, is expected midyear. Paya said his latest pursuit threatens
the government more directly than the Varela Project, the democracy drive that
brought him international acclaim. "When Cubans are capable of saying
that, beyond our fear, we want change, that hits the nucleus of power," he
said. "If the people don't have fear, the regime no longer exists." Many
adult volunteers who participated in the Varela Project are now behind bars. About
50 of the 75 dissidents arrested and sentenced to long prison terms in a spring
2003 government crackdown were Varela Project leaders, Paya said. Fourteen of
the 75 have since been released from prison for health reasons, but just two of
those were Varela participants, he said. Project volunteers submitted signatures
of 25,000 voters to Cuba's parliament in 2002, seeking a referendum asking voters
if they favor civil liberties such as freedom of speech and the right to business
ownership. Authorities shelved the project, ruling it unconstitutional. The
Cuban government considers people like Paya to be "counterrevolutionaries,"
and insists there is plenty of room within the system for dissenting voices, as
long as they don't directly attack the island's socialist revolution or its leaders. The
Cuban government has not publicly commented on the National Dialogue, but Paya
said that state security agents have threatened some of those hosting the group
sessions. Paya said he himself is accustomed to years of harassment, including
death threats, his house being bugged, and his children's friends being told to
stop playing with them by forewarned parents. He said he wakes up every
day with the sensation that he could be imprisoned for his actions. But because
the three-time nominee for the Nobel Peace Prize and winner of the European Union's
top human rights award is so well known, many observers doubt that would happen. Paya
and members of his Christian Liberation Movement also have adversaries in a handful
of other activists on the island as well as some exile groups in the United States
with different strategies. He has said he will not attend an opposition congress
in May being organized by dissidents including former political prisoner Martha
Beatriz Roque. "We don't trust them, given a long history of sabotaging
our projects and defaming our colleagues," he said. Many dissidents,
including those imprisoned in the 2003 crackdown, have been accused of working
with U.S. diplomats to undermine the island's socialist system - charges Washington
and the activists denied. Paya also insists his group is not being influenced
by anyone. "No one can pressure us, no one pays us," Paya said.
"We only respond to the interests of Cubans." | 
